» Catherine's foreign policy 2 most important. Domestic policy of Catherine II. List of used literature

Catherine's foreign policy 2 most important. Domestic policy of Catherine II. List of used literature

The reign of Catherine II the Great is one of the most complex topics in history. This is probably because it takes up most of the second half of XVIII century. This post will briefly describe the domestic policy of Catherine 2. This topic simply needs to be studied in order to be well versed in history when completing exam tasks.

The most important

Few people understand why historical events are poorly remembered. In fact, everything is perfectly remembered, if you keep in mind the most important thing. The most important thing is the concept of this or that government or the driving contradiction. Having marked these things, it is easy to remember them, as well as the entire outline of events.

The concept of the reign of Catherine the Great was Enlightened absolutism - a European concept popular in the 18th century, which, in a nutshell, consisted in recognizing the leading role in the history and development of states for an enlightened monarch. Such a monarch, a sage on the throne, a philosopher will be able to lead society to progress and enlightenment. The main ideas of the Enlightenment can be found in the work of Charles Louis Monetskyo "On the Spirit of the Laws" and in the writings of other enlighteners.

These ideas are generally simple: they included the observance of laws by the people, the idea that people are naturally good, and the state should awaken this goodness in people through enlightenment.

Sophia Augusta Frederica Anhalt of Zerbskaya (real name of the Empress) learned these principles as a young educated girl. And when she became empress, she tried to implement them in Russia.

However, the main contradiction of her reign was that this was not possible. The first blow was dealt to her mood by the Legislative Commission, in which the entire color of society gathered. And not a single estate wanted to put an end to serfdom. On the contrary, everyone was looking for benefits for themselves in the slave position of 90 percent of the population of the state.

Nevertheless, something was realized, at least in the first half of the reign of the empress - before the uprising of Yemelyan Pugachev. His uprising became, as it were, a watershed between the empress of liberal views and the conservative ruler.

reforms

Within the framework of one post, it is impossible to consider in detail the entire domestic policy of Catherine, but it can be done briefly. I’ll tell you where to find out everything in detail at the end of the post.

Secularization of church lands in 1764

This reform was actually started by Peter the Third. But it was already Catherine the Great who realized it. All church and monastery lands were now transferred to the state, and the peasants were transferred to the category of economic peasants. The state could give these lands to whoever it wanted.

The secularization of the lands meant the end of the centuries-old rivalry between ecclesiastical and secular authorities, which peaked during the reigns of Alexei Mikhailovich and Peter the Great.

Convocation of the Legislative Commission

  • Reason: the need to adopt a new code of laws, a new Code, because the Cathedral Code of 1649 has long been outdated.
  • Dates of the meeting: from June 1767 to December 1768
  • Results: the new code of laws was never adopted. The task of codifying Russian legislation will only be realized under Nicholas the First. Reason for dissolution - the beginning Russian-Turkish war.

The uprising of Yemelyan Pugachev

A serious event in the field of domestic politics, since it showed all the inconsistency of serfdom, on the one hand, and the crisis in relations between the authorities and the Cossacks, on the other.

Results: the suppression of the uprising. The consequences of this uprising was the provincial reform of Catherine the Great.

Provincial reform

In November 1775, the Empress publishes the "Institution for the Administration of the Provinces of the Russian Empire". the main objective: change the state-territorial structure in favor of better tax collection, as well as strengthen the power of governors so that they can more effectively resist peasant uprisings.

As a result, the provinces began to be divided only into counties (previously they were divided into provinces), and they themselves were disaggregated: there were more of them.

The entire structure of state authorities has also changed. You can see the most important of these changes in this table:

As you can see, the empress, despite the fact that the entire reform was pro-noble, tried to implement the principle of separation of powers, albeit in a truncated version. This system of authorities will continue until the bourgeois reforms of Alexander the Second Liberator

A charter to the nobility and cities of 1785

Parsing letters of commendation is a serious educational task. It cannot be solved within the scope of this post. But I enclose links to the full texts of these important documents:

  • Complaint to the nobility
  • Complaint letter to cities

Results

The main question for the results: why do we put this empress on a par with Ivan the Third, Peter the Great and call it great? Because this empress completed most of the domestic and foreign policy processes.

In the field of domestic policy, the process of formation of the authorities of the absolute monarchy was completed, the system of government controlled; the nobility reached the peak of its rights and its power, the “third estate” was more or less formed - the townspeople, who were given excellent rights under the Charter to the cities. The only trouble is that this layer was very small and could not become the backbone of the state.

In the field of foreign policy: Russia annexed the Crimea (1783), Eastern Georgia (1783), all the old Russian lands during the three partitions of Poland, reached its natural boundaries. The issue of access to the Black Sea was resolved. Actually a lot has been done.

But the main thing has not been done: a new code of laws has not been adopted, and serfdom. Could this have been achieved? I think no.

Catherine the Great born May 2, 1729 in the Prussian city of Stettin, in 1745 she married Peter III, and on July 9, 1762, she herself became the ruling empress as a result of palace coup, Peter abdicated the throne and was imprisoned. A week later he died (most likely he was strangled by his jailers, who played cards with him).

In fact, it turned out that Catherine II made a double seizure of power - she took it from her husband, but did not give it to her son Paul (according to the rules, she was supposed to become regent under the infant emperor). However, from the height of history, it can be argued that she was worthy of the title of empress.

Catherine became the first empress of non-Russian origin (since she was German), but nevertheless the Romanov dynasty did not stop on Peter III, since after Catherine came to the throne Pavel Romanov, her son. It should be noted here that the direct male line of the Romanovs was interrupted for another Peter II Alekseevich, and in the future the Romanovs already went along the female line, and officially the dynasty became known as the Romanovs-Holstein-Gottorp.

Domestic policy of Catherine II.

In domestic politics, Catherine largely continued the line of Peter I. Just like Peter, the empress paid a lot of attention to foreign policy and Russia's image in the world, because of which she also had failures in the internal reforms of the state.

Catherine was well versed in people and knew how to select close people (assistants and consultants), found talents and supported them in every possible way (and in all areas - in the military, in art, in architecture and culture). The only problem was that the vast majority of these advisors and talented artists were invited foreigners, most often Germans and French. This was explained by the desire to bring the Enlightenment of Europe to Russia. As a result, much less attention was paid to the education of one's own minds and talents in the Russian Empire than one would like.

With regard to religious issues, Empress Catherine II carried out a number of successful transformations. The Russian Orthodox Church was actively supported by the ruler, the Old Believers were returned to Russia, and their persecution ceased (except for a couple of incidents). In the Far East, Buddhists received many privileges, and the Jewish community that appeared after the annexation of part of the lands of the Commonwealth (and a considerable one - about 1 million people) could preach Judaism and lead their national way of life beyond the line of permanent Jewish settlement, which provided the Jews with the territory of modern Ukraine , Belarus and Lithuania. In the event that a Jew wanted to live in Moscow, he had to accept Orthodoxy. I must say that for all the anti-Semitism of this decree, the reform was still quite liberal in that era.

Speaking of national policy, it is also necessary to mention the manifesto, according to which Catherine invited foreigners to Russia for permanent residence, granting them benefits and privileges. As a result, in the Volga region, for example, German settlements arose (Volga Germans). Five years after the publication of the manifesto (1767), their number already exceeded 23 thousand people.

In 1763, Catherine II reformed the Senate. In 1764, the Zaporizhzhya Cossacks (Hetmanate) was liquidated, the first prerequisite was the liquidation of customs between Russia and the Hetmanate ten years earlier (essentially, the abolition of autonomy).

The main goal of the abolition of the Cossacks is the centralization of power and the unification of the country, the secondary one is the removal from Moscow (to the Kuban) of such an unstable class as the Cossacks.

Catherine's liberal policy sometimes let her down. In 1766 Catherine published order- her vision of government, and convened Statutory commission to reform Codes which was adopted in 1649. Representatives of the nobility, townspeople and free peasants were convened, as well as one deputy from Synod.

Obviously, there was not enough "Instruction" for the direction of activity, and a firm hand was needed, since the interclass differences of the deputies prevented them from promptly conducting legislative activities. The first few meetings they only chose the title for the empress (the choice was "Great"). After working for about a year and a half, the Legislative Commission was dissolved, although the undertaking was good.

The same liberalism in relation to the nobility (for all the time not a single person was executed and even seriously repressed) gave its representatives a reason to become impudent and bribery to flourish. By the way, immediately after coming to power, Catherine issued a manifesto on the prevention of "extortion", but there were no concrete actions, and many took bribes.

After suppression uprisings of Yemelyan Pugachev Catherine II carried out an administrative reform. Instead of 23 provinces, the country was divided into 53 governorships. The reform was not bad in that there were more organs for the same number of square kilometers. local government, which made it possible to closely monitor the local population in order to more effectively prevent possible conflicts. The disadvantage of the reform was the increased bureaucracy, which required three (if not five) times more budget funds than before. Naturally, this affected the economy.

On April 21, 1785, the Charter on the rights and liberties of the noble nobility was adopted. This document secured the rights of the nobles, most of which had already been published earlier. The letter strengthened the support of Catherine from the nobility, but did not have a particularly good effect on the peasants. It was planned to issue a charter to the peasants, but was not implemented due to the wars with the Turks and the Swedes.

The export of grain, forbidden by Elizabeth, was opened, and duties on export goods were reduced. International trade immediately revived, although sometimes the export of grain exceeded the norm and there was a shortage within the country. Of course, this is not about the Holodomors (as some researchers of Polish and Ukrainian origin, as well as other non-authoritative sources), but still it would be worth creating a body that controls the export of grain and other goods.

New credit institutions were established - a loan office and a state bank, and such a function as deposits appeared. In addition, Insurance Expedition was established - the first insurance company in Russia.

The role of the Russian Empire in the world economy has grown significantly. Russian ships began to ply the Baltic, the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, delivering goods from and to England, France, Spain, etc.

Here the only negative point is that Russia sold mainly raw materials (metals, flour, wood) or semi-finished products (meat, for example). At that time, the industrial revolution was in full swing in Europe, factories and factories with machine tools were being created, but Catherine was in no hurry to bring "colossus" (as she put it) to Russia, fearing that they would deprive people of jobs and cause unemployment. This purely feminine short-sightedness set back the development of Russian industry and economic growth for several decades.

With all this, the empress carried out a number of extremely successful reforms in education, as well as in science and health (Smolny Institute for Noble Maidens, a network of city schools, Academy of Sciences, and the best in Europe, various schools, a library, an observatory, botanical gardens, etc.).

Catherine the Great introduced compulsory vaccination against smallpox, and, by the way, she was the first to be vaccinated. In addition, other infectious diseases were fought, medical schools and specialized hospitals (psychiatric, venereological, etc.) were created.

Homes for homeless minor children and even social assistance for widows were created.

Thus, in the domestic policy of Catherine II there were both positive and negative aspects, and the latter were useful in that they gave invaluable experience for future generations.

In the second half of the XVIII century. Russia's foreign policy was focused on solving problems in two main directions: southern and western (Scheme 123).

First of all, this concerned the southern direction, where a sharp struggle took place with the Ottoman Empire for the Northern Black Sea region and it was necessary to ensure the security of the southern borders of Russia.

The implementation of the policy in the western direction was to strengthen the position of Russia in Europe and was associated with participation in the partitions of Poland, as well as with the opposition of France, in which in 1789-1794. happened bourgeois revolution and whose revolutionary influence the European monarchical states, and above all the Russian Empire, feared.

Scheme 123

The solution of foreign policy tasks related to the southern direction was complicated as a result of clashes with the Ottoman Empire, which led to two Russian-Turkish wars (Scheme 124).

Scheme 124

Russian- Turkish war 1768–1774 The reason for the war was the intervention of Russia in the affairs of Poland, which caused discontent in Turkey. Catherine II supported the Polish king Stanislaw Poniatowski in the fight against the opposition (members of the so-called Bar Confederation). Pursuing one of the detachments of the Confederates, the Russian Cossacks invaded Turkish territory and occupied a settlement there, located at the right tributary of the Southern Bug. In response, on September 25, 1768, Turkey declared war on Russia.

The fighting began in the winter of 1769, when the Crimean Khan, an ally of Turkey, invaded Ukraine, but his attack was repelled by Russian troops under the command of P.A. Rumyantsev.

Military operations were conducted on the territory of Moldova, Wallachia and at sea. The decisive year in the war was 1770, in which brilliant victories were won by the Russian army.

The fleet under the command of Admiral G.A. Spiridov and Count A.G. Orlov rounded Europe, entered the Mediterranean Sea and in the Chesme Bay off the coast of Asia Minor on June 24–26, 1770 completely destroyed the Turkish squadron.

On land, a number of victories were won by the Russian army led by P.A. Rumyantsev. He used a new infantry combat formation - a mobile square. The troops "bristled" on all four sides with bayonets, which made it possible to successfully resist the numerous Turkish cavalry. In the summer of 1770, he won victories on the tributaries of the Prut - the Larga and Kagul rivers, which made it possible for Russia to reach the Danube.

In 1771, Russian troops under the command of Prince V.M. Dolgorukov took the Crimea. In 1772–1773 an armistice was concluded between the warring parties and peace negotiations began. However, they ended up with nothing. The war has resumed. The Russians crossed the Danube, in this campaign brilliant victories in the summer of 1774 were won by the corps of A.V. Suvorov. Turkey started talking about making peace. On July 10, 1774, a peace treaty was signed at the headquarters of the Russian command, in the town of Kyuchuk-Kainarzhi.

Russian-Turkish war 1787–1791 The confrontation between Russia and the Ottoman Empire continued. The Turkish Sultan Selim III began to demand the return of the Crimea, the recognition of Georgia as his vassal and the inspection of Russian merchant ships passing through the Bosporus and Dardanelles. On August 13, 1787, having received a refusal, he declared war on Russia, which acted in alliance with Austria.

Military operations began with the repulse of an attack by Turkish troops on the fortress of Kinburn (not far from Ochakov). The general leadership of the Russian army was carried out by the head of the Military Collegium, Prince G.A. Potemkin. In December 1788, after a long siege, Russian troops took the Turkish fortress of Ochakov. In 1789 A.V. Suvorov, with lesser forces, twice achieved victory in the battles of Focsani and on the river. Rym - nike. For this victory, he received the title of count and became known as Count Suvorov-Rymniksky. In December 1790, the troops under his command managed to achieve the capture of the fortress of Izmail, the citadel of Ottoman rule on the Danube, which was the main victory in the war.

In 1791, the Turks lost the fortress of Anapa in the Caucasus, and then lost the naval battle at Cape Kaliakria (near the Bulgarian city of Varna) in the Black Sea to the Russian fleet under the command of Admiral F.F. Ushakov. All this forced Turkey to conclude a peace treaty, which was signed in Iasi in December 1791.

Strengthening the position of Russia in Europe in the second half of the XVIII century. was associated with the weakening of the Polish state and its division among the leading European powers (Scheme 125).


Scheme 125

Prussia initiated this process. Her king Frederick II offered Catherine II to divide the Commonwealth between her neighbors, especially since Austria had already begun the division, since her troops were located directly on the territory of this state. As a result, the St. Petersburg Convention of July 25, 1772 was concluded, which sanctioned the first partition of Poland. Russia received the eastern part of Belarus and part of the Latvian lands that were previously part of Livonia. In 1793, the second partition of Poland took place. Russia took possession of Central Belarus with the cities of Minsk, Slutsk, Pinsk and Right-Bank Ukraine, including Zhytomyr and Kamenets-Podolsky. This caused an uprising of Polish patriots in 1794 led by Tadeusz Kosciuszko. It was brutally suppressed by Russian troops under the command of A.V. Suvorov. The defeat of the rebels predetermined the third and last section Commonwealth. The lands of Courland, Lithuania, and Western Belarus were ceded to Russia. As a result, Russia captured more than half of all Polish lands. Poland lost its statehood for more than a hundred years.

The most important result of the divisions of Poland for Russia was not only the acquisition of vast territories, but also the transfer of the state border far to the west to the center of the continent, which significantly increased its influence in Europe. The reunification of the Belarusian and Ukrainian peoples with Russia freed them from the religious oppression of Catholicism and created opportunities for the further development of peoples within the framework of the Eastern Slavic socio-cultural community.

And finally, at the end of the XVIII century. the main task of Russia's foreign policy was the struggle against revolutionary France (see Diagram 125). After the execution of King Louis XVI, Catherine II broke off diplomatic and trade relations with France, actively helped the counter-revolutionaries, and, together with England, tried to put economic pressure on France. Only the Polish national liberation uprising in 1794 prevented Russia from openly organizing an intervention.

Foreign policy of Russia in the second half of the XVIII century. was active and expansionist in nature, which made it possible to include new lands in the state and strengthen its position in Europe.

As a legacy from her predecessors, Catherine received three main directions in foreign policy. The first one is the northern one. The Swedes constantly sought to return the lands lost in the times of Peter the Great, but they did not succeed: the zenith of Sweden's greatness, achieved under Charles XII, was irretrievably lost under him. After the Northern War, the country could not restore its economic and human resources to a level sufficient for a successful war with Russia. This, however, did not exclude the presence in Stockholm of forces ready to take advantage of any opportunity to try their luck. St. Petersburg was well aware of the long-standing aspirations of the Swedes and was ready to fight back.

In the southern direction, for a long time the dream of the rulers of Russia was access to the shores of the warm Black Sea, which was dictated by the needs of the country's economy and defense. Here lapsed from time Prut campaign decades have made significant adjustments to the balance of power: the Ottoman Empire was on the decline, its possessions were eagerly looked at by many European powers, while Russia was at the height of glory and power. Timidity before the Turks passed, and cautious defensive tactics were replaced by broad offensive plans and confidence in an early victory over the once formidable enemy. But it was impossible to defeat Turkey alone, and therefore, already in the time of Peter the Great, Russia was looking for an alliance with Poland and Austria. The condition for an alliance with Austria was Russia's support for the so-called "pragmatic sanction" - a document, according to Roma, after the death of Emperor Charles VI (he died in 1740), the throne was to pass to his daughter Maria Theresa. The Austrian government was so interested in supporting the "pragmatic sanction" that for the sake of this it was ready to make any concessions. The alliance with Austria led Russia to clash with Prussia in the Seven Years' War.

The third direction was also traditional - the Polish direction, which reflected Russia's desire to unite in the Empire all the lands inhabited by closely related Russian peoples - Ukrainians and Belarusians. In the XVIII century. The Commonwealth experienced about the same difficult times as the Ottoman Empire. While the neighbors developed industry and trade, created powerful armed forces and strong absolutist regimes, the Commonwealth could not overcome the separatism of magnates, get rid of political chaos (liberum veto, etc.), and became easy prey for its neighbors: Prussia, Austria and Russia. Already under Peter I, Russia did not hesitate to apply the methods of forceful pressure against Poland, which since that time have become common in Russian-Polish relations. The Russian Empire used the weakness of the Polish state to constantly interfere in its internal affairs and counteract the strengthening of this country. Poland became, in fact, a toy in the hands of Russia, which Catherine II was well aware of.

The international position of the Russian Empire at the time of Catherine II's accession to the throne was far from simple. The diplomatic successes of the reign of Elizabeth, reinforced by the courage of Russian soldiers on the battlefields of the Seven Years' War, were actually nullified by the impulsive policy of Peter III. The old foreign policy doctrine was destroyed, and the new one was no good. The financial situation was also difficult; the tired army did not receive a salary for eight months. However, other countries as a result of the war were no less weakened and they also had to redefine the direction of their foreign policy. In other words, Catherine II had a rare opportunity, almost without regard to the past, to re-develop her own foreign policy course. At the same time, Russia had certain advantages compared to other countries - it was the winner in the war, its army was still in Europe and at any moment could turn around again on a marching march. It is no coincidence that the news of the coup in St. Petersburg on June 28, 1762 plunged the European courts, especially the Prussian, into a state of shock. The weakness of others gave strength to Catherine, foreign diplomats noticed that from the first days of her reign she began to treat them proudly and arrogantly. This independent tone of the empress in dealing with foreigners impressed her closest circle, making a sharp contrast with the manner of Peter III, who fawned over Prussia.

The first period of Catherine's foreign policy (1762 - 1774)

Catherine II began her foreign policy activities by returning home Russian troops who were abroad, confirmed peace with Prussia, but rejected the military alliance concluded with her by Peter III. After that, the attention of the Prussian government was drawn to Courland - a small duchy in the territory of modern Latvia, formally under the rule of the Polish crown, but with autonomy rights and an elected duke at the head. Catherine set a goal to annex Courland to Russia and therefore considered it necessary to put her protege on the ducal throne, who was not connected in any way with the Polish king. Her candidate was Biron, the favorite of Anna Ioannovna, who was elected the Duke of Courland back in 1739 (since 1741 he was in exile, from where he was released by Peter III.) In carrying out the planned, Catherine II demonstrated toughness and determination, as if showing the whole world, what will be its foreign policy. To secure the crown for Biron, Russian troops were brought into Courland; as a result, the situation was so favorable for Russia that even then in 1762 Courland could have become part of Russia. But Catherine also wanted to show herself as a just ruler, so she wisely satisfied herself with what she had achieved, making Biron her vassal and ensuring the future entry of Courland into the empire (finally in 1795).

In the same 1762, Catherine decided to put her protege on the Polish throne. I had to wait until October 1763, when King August II (also a Russian protege) died and Russia immediately began decisive action. The new task, however, was more difficult, and for its solution it was necessary to enlist the non-intervention of other European powers. In March 1764, a new treaty of alliance was signed with Prussia, according to which the parties agreed on joint actions in order to preserve the existing political system which made it possible to influence Polish politics.

The alliance with Prussia ensured the non-intervention of Austria and France, which had their own candidates for the Polish throne. Russia's intentions were again reinforced by the introduction of Russian troops, as a result of which, in August 1764, the former favorite of Catherine, Stanislav Poniatowski, was elected king of Poland. This was a great victory, but only at first glance, since it was after these events that Russia got bogged down in Polish problems for a long time.

The powerful party of the princes Czartoryski, whose nephew was the newly elected king, sought to change political system Poland through the introduction of a hereditary monarchy, and for the support of Russia promised to improve the situation of the Polish Orthodox, the so-called dissidents. As a result, the country found itself in a very difficult position: public opinion in Russia itself had long insisted on helping dissidents, but to agree with the plans of the Czartoryskis meant changing the basic principles of their policy in Poland. As a result, Russia lost the support of a serious political force in Poland, and in 1768 the so-called Bar Confederation of Polish magnates opposed it, to fight against which Russian troops under the command of A.V. Suvorov were again brought into Poland. And although Suvorov's actions were generally successful, the solution of the Polish problem was only delayed.

Meanwhile, Russia's active actions in Poland began to worry Austria and France more and more. Their anxiety was also reinforced by the “northern system” of treaties between Russia and the Protestant states of Europe, conceived by N.I. Panin, the leader of Russian foreign policy at that time, aimed at strengthening Russia’s leading role in world politics. It was necessary to divert Russia's attention from European problems, and this was achieved as a result of a complex intrigue, when France and Austria managed to induce Turkey to declare war on Russia (autumn 1768). By this time, Catherine II had reigned for more than five years, but Russia was not yet sufficiently prepared for the war and entered it without much enthusiasm, especially since the military conflict with Turkey evoked unpleasant memories.

Entering the war with Turkey (1768 - 1774), the Russian government defined as the main goal the acquisition of the right to freedom of navigation on the Black Sea, the acquisition of a convenient port on the Black Sea coast, and the establishment of secure borders with Poland. The beginning of the war turned out quite well for Russia. Already in the spring of 1769, Russian troops occupied Azov and Taganrog, and at the end of April they defeated two large formations of Turkish troops near Khotyn, although the fortress itself was captured only in September. Then, in September-October 1769, Moldavia was liberated from the Turks, and Catherine began to call herself the Moldavian princess. In November, Russian troops took Bucharest. The Russian corps sent to Georgia also fought successfully. Finally, on June 24 - 26, 1770, the Russian fleet under the command of A.G. Orlov and Admiral G.A. Spiridov won a complete victory over the Turkish fleet, which was almost twice superior to it in the Chesme Bay. The Turks lost 15 battleships, 6 frigates and up to 50 small ships - almost their entire fleet. The Chesme victory made a great impression on Europe and served to strengthen the glory of Russian weapons.

After a short time, equally brilliant victories were won by the ground forces. In early July, the Russian army under the command of P. A. Rumyantsev defeated the combined forces of the Turks and Crimean Tatars at the confluence of the Larga River with the Prut. The Turks left more than 1000 people on the battlefield, the Russians lost only 29 people killed. On July 21, the famous battle on the Kagul River began, where the 17,000-strong detachment of Rumyantsev managed to defeat almost 80,000 enemy forces.

In July - October 1770, the fortresses of Izmail, Kiliya, Akkerman surrendered to the Russian troops. In September, General P.I. Panin took Bender. In 1771, Russian troops under the command of Prince V. M. Dolgoruky entered the Crimea and captured its main points within a few months.

It seemed that everything was going well, but the real state of affairs was not easy. Firstly, the war simultaneously in Poland (with the Confederation of Bars), in Moldavia, in the Crimea and in the Caucasus demanded an enormous strain of forces and laid an almost unbearable burden on Russia. Secondly, it became clear that the European powers would not allow a significant strengthening of Russia at the expense of Turkey, and therefore it was not necessary to count on the retention and annexation of all the lands seized during the war. Since 1770, Russia had been groping for the grounds for concluding peace, but Turkey, actively supported by Austria, did not want to make any agreements. Only participation in the first partition of Poland in 1772 prompted Austria to withdraw its support from Turkey.

The idea to profit at the expense of Poland arose in the early years of the reign of Catherine II. Prussia repeatedly made similar proposals in the 1960s. However, for the time being, Russia hoped to get the territories of Lithuania and Belarus, which were considered primordially Russian, while maintaining a nominally independent Poland as a buffer between Russia and Prussia. But when the war with the Confederates, supported by the Austrian side, took on a protracted character, the need for an agreement with Austria became clear in order to immediately untie both the Polish and Turkish problems.

Under these conditions, an agreement was born on the division of Poland, signed on July 25, 1772, according to which Russia received the Polish part of Livonia, as well as Polotsk, Vitebsk, Mstislav and part of the Minsk provinces; Galicia (now Western Ukraine) went to Austria, Pomeranian, Chelm and Malbork provinces, part of Greater Poland and Bazmia went to Prussia.

At first glance, Russia's share was the most significant: it acquired territories of 92 thousand square meters. km. with a population of 1 million 300 thousand people. But in reality, in strategic and economic terms, Russia's production was quite modest, because, for example, such an important economic and commercial center as Lvov turned out to be in the hands of Austria, and areas with the most developed agriculture were in the hands of Prussia. True, Russia for a long time kept what was left of the Commonwealth in its sphere of influence: until 1788, the Polish king could do practically nothing without the permission of the Russian ambassador in Warsaw. In 1776, King Stanislaw August Poniatowski, with the consent of Russia, carried out some reforms aimed at strengthening the Polish statehood, which stabilized the situation and made it possible in 1780 to withdraw Russian troops from Poland.

In 1774, after long negotiations, Russia managed to make peace with Turkey. According to the Kyuchuk-Kaynardzhysky Treaty (after the name of the village where peace was concluded), Russia finally received the right to free passage of its ships through the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, the fortresses of Kerch and Yenikale and a significant contribution. Turkey undertook to restore the autonomy of Moldavia and Wallachia, not to oppress the Orthodox in Transcaucasia, and also recognized the independence of Crimea, which, according to the plan of the Russian government, was to ensure its further entry into the Russian Empire.

The second period of Catherine's foreign policy (1775 - 1796)

The Kyuchuk-Kainarji peace ended the first period of Catherine II's foreign policy; the next (70-90s) was also marked by serious successes in the diplomatic and military spheres. The alignment of forces in the foreign policy arena changed somewhat at that time.

The lands acquired by Russia under an agreement with Turkey were wedged between the possessions of the Ottoman Empire, Poland and the Crimean Khanate, which in itself made new clashes inevitable. It was clear that Russia would continue to strive to gain a foothold in the Northern Black Sea region, and Turkey would oppose this in every possible way. Indeed, emboldened by internal troubles in Russia, the Turks significantly strengthened the garrisons of their fortresses on the northern coast of the Black Sea, flooded the Crimea and Kuban with agents, and the Turkish fleet demonstrated its power near the Crimean coast. At the same time, Turkey counted on the support of the European powers - the opponents of Russia, and primarily England. However, in 1775, England began a protracted war with the North American colonies and was even forced to turn to Russia with a request to provide her with 20,000 Russian soldiers to fight the rebels. Catherine, after hesitating, refused, but closely followed the development of the conflict, trying to use it to her advantage.

Meanwhile, in December 1774, a coup d'état took place in the Crimea, as a result of which Devlet-Giray ended up on the khan's throne, trying to establish contact with both Turkey and Russia at the same time. However, the Russian government needed an unequivocal supporter in Crimea, such as Shagin Giray. In order to erect him on the Khan's throne in the spring of 1776, Russian troops began to prepare for an invasion of the Crimea.

Support for Russia's actions in the Crimea was provided by the strengthening of the alliance with Prussia, a new agreement with which was signed in August 1776, and already in November the Russians entered the Crimea. In March of the following year, the treaty of friendship with Prussia was extended, and in April Shagin Giray was elevated to the khan's throne. When, less than a year later, a rebellion broke out against him, he was again suppressed with the help of Russian troops.

Simultaneously with these events, a new conflict broke out in the center of Europe between Austria and Prussia, this time over Bavaria, which the Austrian emperor Joseph tried to annex to his possessions. Prussia asked for Russian help, and Austria turned to France. The latter was on the verge of war with England and therefore was not interested in fanning a military fire on the continent. And when in the summer of 1778 the war between Austria and Prussia nevertheless began, and the Turks at the same time undertook failed attempt land in the Crimea, France offered to mediate in resolving both conflicts. Prussia agreed to this proposal on the condition that Russia be the second mediator. Thus, the Russian government had a unique opportunity to significantly strengthen its position in the international arena.

In March 1779, a peace congress was opened in Teshen, which was actually chaired by the Russian envoy, Prince N.V. Repnin. In May, the congress ended with the signing of the Peace of Teshen, which became a major success for Russian diplomacy. According to this treaty, Russia was called not only a mediator, but also a guarantor of peace, which made it possible to freely intervene in German affairs. The mutual understanding reached with France was also important, relations with which for a long time, the reign of Elizabeth Petrovna, remained cool. With the mediation of France, a Russian-Turkish agreement was signed - an "explanatory convention" that confirmed the independence of Crimea and the rights of Shahin Giray to the Khan's throne.

In 1780, Russia came up with an important international initiative: the famous Declaration of Armed Neutrality was prepared, according to which ships of neutral countries not participating in military conflicts had the right to defend themselves in the event of an attack on them. The declaration was directed against England, which was trying to prevent the development of Russian maritime trade with its opponents. Soon Sweden, Denmark, Holland and Prussia joined the Declaration. A virtually anti-British coalition was created, which, without interfering in the war with the North American colonies, in fact provided serious support to the United States. At the same time, in Russian government circles, the idea of ​​​​the so-called. Greek project.

The essence of the "Greek project" was to restore the Byzantine Empire with its capital in Constantinople and with the second grandson of Catherine II, Konstantin Pavlovich, on the imperial throne. Actually, the Grand Duke, who was born in April 1779, received his name in accordance with this project. At the festival in honor of his birth, Greek verses were read; for the celebration, a medal was minted with the image of the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. Such a development of the Russian foreign policy doctrine was dictated by the very logic of events.

Confidence in the possibility of implementing the project was given by the new position of Russia in the international arena, acquired as a result of successes at the Teshen Congress. But in order to put the plans into practice, it was necessary to return to the alliance with Austria, which was not difficult, since all the possible benefits from the alliance with Prussia had already been extracted. The first step towards rapprochement with Austria was taken in the spring of 1780, when during Catherine's trip to the western provinces, she met with Emperor Joseph. It was then, to the satisfaction of both monarchs, that an agreement was reached on an anti-Turkish alliance, including, at least in general terms, the “Greek project”. A year later, Catherine II and Joseph II exchanged messages with mutual obligations in the event of a war with Turkey, as well as the preservation of the political regime in Poland. This exchange of letters, invented by Catherine, was a novelty in international relations, which made it possible to keep agreements secret. At the same time, an exchange of letters took place directly on the project of restoring the Greek Empire. However, no official agreement on the "Greek project" was ever concluded. The plan was too bold to be made public. In fact, this project was a distant goal of Russia, the dream of the Empress, and in many respects served as the basis of foreign policy doctrine. Events were not long in coming.

Already in the early 1789s, the situation in the Crimea aggravated again, the throne of Shagin-Girey staggered, and in the spring of 1782. Khan was forced to flee to Kerch under the protection of Russian troops. Turkey was already preparing to put its protege on the Khan's throne, when Catherine gave G. A. Potemkin the order to bring Russian troops into the Crimea. After the restoration of Shagin Giray on the throne, the troops did not leave this time. And a few months later, having received the full support of Austria and put an end to her hesitations, on April 8, 1783, Catherine signed a manifesto on “accepting the Crimean Peninsula, Taman Island and the entire Kuban side under the Russian state.”

The annexation of Crimea became possible, of course, thanks to the political assistance of Austria and the non-interference of other European powers, which, not being interested at that time in the Russian-Turkish conflict, tried in every possible way to persuade Turkey to reconcile. Meanwhile, the annexation was carrying out difficulties. In the summer of 1783, there was an uprising of the Nogais living in the Kuban region. But already in August, a Russian detachment of 1000 people under the command of A.V. Suvorov inflicted a heavy defeat on the numerically superior Nogais. The covert maneuver of the Russians took the enemy by surprise. In October 1783, at the mouth of the Laba River, the Nogais were completely defeated, which finally completed the annexation of the Kuban to Russia.

By this time, the borders of the Russian Empire came close to the Caucasus. The peoples living here were squeezed from three sides by Russia, Turkey and Iran, which made the existence of small independent kingdoms almost impossible. It was clear that in the upcoming military clash between Russia and Turkey, the Caucasus could be a theater of military operations, but before that, the highlanders had to choose one side or another. Developments recent years showed that it was more profitable to join Russia as a stronger power. It was also important that the peoples of Georgia and Armenia, who professed Orthodoxy (or Gregorianism close to it), received guaranteed protection from religious oppression if they joined Russia. As a result of negotiations between the Russian government and representatives of the Kartli-Kakhetian king Erekle II, on July 24, 1783, the Treaty of St. George was signed, according to which the Kartli-Kakheti kingdom came under the protector of Russia, which guaranteed its inviolability and territorial integrity. According to the secret articles of the treaty, two battalions of Russian troops were sent to Tbilisi (Tiflis).

The next few years in Russian diplomacy were marked by activity aimed at strengthening their position. At the same time, as a result of further rapprochement with Austria and partly with France, tension increased in relations with Prussia and England. In January 1787, Catherine II, accompanied by the court and foreign diplomats, set off on her famous journey to the Crimea. The trip is primarily of international importance: in the Crimea, the empress was supposed to meet with the Austrian emperor and the Polish king and demonstrate Russian power to them, frightening Turkey with this demonstration. G. A. Potemkin was appointed the main organizer of the whole action. It is with Catherine's journey to the Crimea that the well-known expression "Potemkin villages" is associated. It is believed that Potemkin allegedly built grandiose decorations along the road, depicting non-existent villages. In fact, he only followed the custom of his time to decorate court festivities, but the real villages were decorated so magnificently that the audience began to doubt their authenticity. All this magnificent decoration, combined with the demonstration of the regiments of the Russian army, the Tatar and Kalmyk cavalry and the Black Sea fleet, made an indelible impression on foreigners. In Kherson, Catherine II, together with Emperor Joseph II, was present at the launching of three ships, which was abandoned with all possible pomp.

Throughout the grandiose staging of Potemkin, the idea of ​​a great empire, the heir of Byzantium, was invariably present and even dominated. Thus, the gates installed at the entrance to Kherson were designed as a road to Byzantium, and the newly built cities in Novorossia were given Greek names (Sevastopol, Simferopol, etc.). The presence of Joseph II at the celebrations emphasized the unity of the plans of Vienna and St. Petersburg. However, it was necessary to start their implementation earlier than expected. Already in mid-July 1787, the Russian ambassador in Istanbul was presented with an ultimatum with obviously unrealistic demands, including the return of the Crimea, and then it was announced that all previously concluded agreements were broken. This was the beginning of a new Russian-Turkish war (1787 - 1791).

Russia entered the war without having had time to complete preparations for it: the army formations were not completed, the construction of the Black Sea Fleet was not completed, and food and equipment depots were almost empty. However, on September 7, 1787, Catherine signed a manifesto on the war; G.A. was appointed commander-in-chief of the Russian army. Potemkin. He also exercised direct leadership of the main Yekaterinoslav army, numbering up to 82 thousand people. The second army, twice as small in number, was led by P. A. Rumyantsev. In addition, a 12,000-strong detachment was supposed to operate in the Caucasus, and the Don Cossacks covered the Kuban.

The Turks assumed already at the beginning of the war to land large landings in the Crimea and the mouth of the Dnieper, and to conduct the main offensive in Moldova. In October 1787, the Turkish fleet blocked the mouth of the Dnieper and landed a 6,000-strong detachment on the Kinburn Spit. Here a detachment of Russian troops under the command of A.V. was waiting for him. Suvorov. A battle took place (October 1) during which the landing force was destroyed. The victory on the Kinburn Spit at the very beginning of the war was extremely important for the Russian army, but not everything turned out so well. Back in September, the Russian Sevastopol fleet was defeated by a storm, as a result of which the siege of the Ochakov fortress by the Russian army dragged on for a long time, and it was taken only in December 1788. The actions of Austria, which entered the war, were ineffective, and it was not necessary to count on its special help. Meanwhile, the slowness and indecision of the allies were taken for weakness, and in the summer of 1788, pushed by England and Prussia, Sweden (1788-1790) got involved in the war with Russia, dreaming of revenge since the time of the Nystadt Peace. The decisive naval battle near the island of Gogland took place on July 6th. Both fleets were pretty battered. Russian sailors under the command of Admiral S.K. Greig captured the Swedish 70-gun ship Prince Gustav, and the Swedes captured the same Russian ship Vladislav. However, since the Swedes retreated first, the victory remained with the Russians. Deprived of support from the sea, the Swedish land forces in 1789 acted unsuccessfully, and the next year Sweden was forced to make peace. The year 1789 turned out to be decisive in the Russian-Turkish war as well, it was marked by new brilliant victories. On July 21, 1789, 5,000 Russians and 12,000 Austrians, united under the command of Suvorov, stormed the fortified camp of the Turks near Focsani, defeating the 30,000th Turkish corps of Mustafa Pasha. A month and a half later, having made a swift march of one hundred miles in two days, Suvorov on September 11 inflicted another crushing defeat on the Turks near the Rymnik River. For this battle, Suvorov was granted the title of count with the honorary title of Rymniksky. In the next few months of 1789, Russian troops took Akkerman and Bender, and Austrian troops took Belgrade and Bucharest. However, the international situation as a whole was developing unsuccessfully for Austria and Russia. Russia in Europe was opposed by Sweden, and Austria by Prussia. It was not necessary to count on the support of France, where the revolution took place in July 1789. Prussia, meanwhile, stepped up its diplomatic activities and concluded treaties with Poland and Turkey. In March 1790, Emperor Joseph II died, his successor Leopold II, fearing a war with Prussia, was forced to conclude an agreement with Turkey on the cessation of hostilities. Russia was actually left face to face with its adversaries.

In Russian court circles at that time there were different points of view about the prospects for the continuation of the war: however, Catherine II correctly calculated that Prussia would ultimately not decide on an open clash with Russia, and England's attention would be occupied by events in France. By the end of 1790, the Russian army won a series of new convincing victories over the Turks, the most brilliant of which was the capture of Ishmael on December 11, 1790, a fortress that the Turks considered impregnable.

Turkish troops were also defeated in the North Caucasus. Finally, on July 31, 1791, the Russian fleet under the command of F.F. Ushakov defeated the Turks at Cape Kaliakria. On the same day, a truce was signed with Turkey, which had asked for mercy, and at the end of December 1791, the long-awaited Treaty of Jassy, ​​according to which Turkey finally recognized the annexation of Crimea, and the new border between the two countries was determined along the Dniester.

Meanwhile, during the entire Russian-Turkish war, the Polish problem was constantly aggravated. Back in 1787, King Stanisław August made another attempt to strengthen Polish statehood through internal political reforms. In exchange for supporting these reforms, he offered Russia assistance in the fight against Turkey, but Prussia opposed the conclusion of the agreement being prepared. In the meantime, the Sejm, called the Four Years, gathered, which, according to the plan of Stanislav August, was to approve the strengthening royalty. However, the strong anti-royal opposition in the Sejm achieved a reorientation of Polish policy from Russia to Prussia, which resulted in the aforementioned Polish-Prussian treaty of 1790. The Sejm adopted a number of important decisions, the most significant of which was the constitution of May 3, 1791.

Catherine II was alarmed and annoyed by the news of the Polish constitution, since it violated the established world order, and the strengthening of Poland's independence did not suit Russia in any way. Having waited for the settlement of the Austro-Prussian and Russian-Turkish relations, Catherine again sent troops to Poland. The campaign was short-lived, and by the summer of 1792 the Russian army controlled the entire territory of the Commonwealth. In December, St. Petersburg gave a positive response to Prussia's proposal for a new division of Poland, officially announced in April of the following 1793. The result of the division was the receipt by Prussia of a territory of 38 thousand square meters. km. from yrs. Gdansk, Torun, Poznan. The Russian Empire increased its possessions by 250 thousand square meters. km. at the expense of the territories of the East. Belarus and Right-Bank Ukraine.

The second partition of Poland gave rise to a large-scale patriotic movement led by Tadeusz Kosciuszko. At first, the rebels managed to achieve some success, but their cause was doomed when A.V. took command of the Russian troops. Suvorov. Having defeated the Kosciuszko uprising, the European powers in October 1795 carried out the third partition of Poland. Austria received another 47 thousand square meters. km of Polish lands with the city of Lublin, Prussia - 48 thousand square meters. km. with Warsaw, and Russia - 120 thousand square meters. km, including Western Volyn, Lithuania, Courland. The third partition of Poland put an end to Polish statehood, which was revived only in 1918.

The results of the foreign policy activities of Catherine II

The foreign policy activity of Catherine II of the last years of her reign was largely due to the revolutionary events in France. At first, these events aroused a kind of gloating in the Empress, since she was always very critical of the political regime of France, and her Order of the Legislative Commission in the reign of Louis XVI was even forbidden to be distributed there. Information about events in France was regularly published in Russian newspapers, and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen was published, the main ideas of which coincided with the ideas of Nakaz. However, by 1792, the Empress increasingly began to perceive the French events as a rebellion against the very idea of ​​power and saw in them a danger to monarchical Europe. Catherine actively participated in the building of the anti-French coalition, helped French emigrants, especially after receiving news of the execution of the king and queen in early 1793. However, until the death of Catherine, the Russian army did not take a direct part in military operations against France. The Empress hoped to draw Austria and Prussia into French affairs in order to free her hands to carry out her own plans.

Assessing Catherine's foreign policy as a whole, it should be recognized that, in full accordance with the very spirit of the era, its basic ideas, as well as the specific circumstances of the international situation, this policy was of a pronounced imperial nature and was distinguished by expansionism, neglect of the interests of other peoples, and to a certain extent, aggressiveness. Catherine II successfully continued and triumphantly completed the creation of the Russian Empire begun by Peter I as a great world power. The foreign policy results of Catherine's 34-year stay on the throne were significant territorial acquisitions and the final consolidation of the status of a great power for Russia. The country began to play one of the leading roles in world politics, which made it possible to influence in its own interests on the solution of almost any international issue. All this made it possible in the nineteenth century to further expand the boundaries of the empire. In essence, it was during the Catherine era that a “single and indivisible” empire was created with inexhaustible human and economic resources and endless expanses that swallowed up any conqueror. It was a multinational state with a unique ethnic, economic, cultural, natural and social image.

Brilliant victories Russian generals Catherine's time on land and at sea contributed to the formation of national self-consciousness, which, however, was inseparable at that time from the imperial consciousness.

The successes of Catherine's reign in foreign policy were highly appreciated both by contemporaries and by several generations of descendants, however, in the historical perspective, much of this legacy turned into serious problems for Russia and its peoples. Firstly, the empire took shape as a unitary state with a strong central authority, which essentially ensured its longevity, for only a strong central authority was able to keep this huge country in obedience. At the same time, they gradually began to look at the empire itself as the highest value, and see the most important patriotic duty in caring for its preservation. Obviously, the interests of both the individual and individual peoples were ignored. The infringement of national interests extended to all the peoples inhabiting the empire, including the Russians, the people of the metropolis, who not only did not receive any benefits from this position, but also bore the main burdens of ensuring the viability of the country on their shoulders. However, the colonial policy of the government was associated for the peoples of the empire with the Russian people, which contributed to inciting ethnic hatred.

Secondly, the active participation of Russia in the partitions of Poland for the next two centuries determined the development of Russian-Polish relations and turned them into the most important factor in Russia's foreign policy, because international stability began to largely depend on the relationship of the powers participating in the partitions. The Polish people could not come to terms with the destruction of their statehood, and throughout the 19th century. The Russian government was repeatedly forced to apply military force to put down Polish uprisings. This was done again by the hands of Russian soldiers, which naturally gave rise to strong anti-Russian sentiments in Poland. It should be mentioned that the emergence of the Jewish question in Russia is connected with the partitions of Poland.

wiki.304.ru / History of Russia. Dmitry Alkhazashvili.

Catherine II - Russian empress, who ruled the state for 34 years. During the era of her reign, Russia pursued an active foreign policy, which resulted in the strengthening of the prestige of the state in the world political arena and a significant increase in the country's territory.

The resumption of Russia's active foreign policy

33-year-old Catherine (nee Sophia Augusta-Frederica) came to power in 1762 as a result of a palace coup. Her husband, the legitimate ruler of the Empire, Peter III, was imprisoned in a fortress and later killed.

The foreign policy of the new ruler was directed on the all-round strengthening of the political role of Russia and expansion of the sphere of its possessions. The main directions of the external expansion of the Empire during the reign of Catherine, who received the nickname "The Great", were the west (Europe) and the south (Ottoman Empire).

The Empress formulated some theses of Russian diplomacy that time:

  • Be friends with all the great powers.
  • Always keep your hands free for necessary actions.
  • Do not follow anyone's tail (meaning - to pursue an independent policy).

In these theses there was one more point - "to take the side of the weak." This is due to Catherine's early philosophical hobbies, her belief in justice as the highest good.

In fact, Russian diplomacy often deviated from this noble point - we can take, for example, the sections of the Commonwealth that occurred during the reign of Catherine.

Partitions of Poland

In 1763, in the weakening and torn by internal contradictions of the Commonwealth, there was another government crisis associated with death King August III. Various factions of the Polish nobility put forward their candidacies as contenders for the throne.

Catherine did not fail to take advantage of this, proposing her own candidacy - her former lover Stanislav Poniatowski. Despite the resistance of a significant part of the gentry, Poniatowski was eventually approved as the new Polish king.

However, the western neighbors - Prussia and Austria - did not want such an increase in Russian influence in Central Europe, and, threatening war, demanded that their territorial claims to Poland be satisfied. Russia was forced to agree to these demands.

As a result, the Prussians received Western Pomerania, the Austrians - Galicia. The Russian Empire, which annexed from Poland, could not stand aside eastern lands of Belarus and part of Lithuania.

In 1792 there was a war between Russian Empire and Poland, which led to the second partition of Poland. As a result of which Prussia received land along the Vistula and Warta rivers, Russia - the rest of Belarus and Novorossia. Austria did not participate in the second section.

Following the second partition in the Commonwealth, in 1794 an uprising broke out under the leadership of the Polish Generalissimo Kosciuszko. This uprising covered a significant part of the country, as well as the Polish lands previously annexed to Russia and Prussia.

The suppression of the Polish uprising was commanded by the great Russian commander Alexander Suvorov. Under his command, Russian troops were able to defeat the Polish forces within six months. The Russian protege, King Poniatowski, was arrested for supporting the rebels and sent to St. Petersburg, where he signed his abdication.

In the next year, 1795, the remaining territory of Poland was divided among the three powers. As a result, Poland lost its statehood for a century and a half.

South direction

No less important for Russia throughout the 18th century was the southern direction. Here are the restless Muslim neighbors of the Empire - Ottoman and Persian Empires, as well as the Caucasian highlanders and the Crimean Khanate, who were in vassal dependence on the Turks. Relations with Turkey escalated to the limit by 1768, when the Sultan declared war on Russia.

The outbreak of the Turkish war lasted six years, the main area of ​​hostilities was concentrated in southern Ukraine, in the Black Sea steppes. The result of the war was the unconditional victory of the Russian army, as a result of which Turks lost control of the Crimean Khanate, which de facto became a Russian protectorate.

However, the Ottoman Sultan could not accept defeat, and 13 years later, having accumulated new forces, he again attacked Russia. In this war, which lasted until 1792, Generalissimo Alexander Suvorov showed his military talent in all its glory.

Under his leadership, the Russian army won a number of brilliant victories - the capture of Ochakov and the assault on Izmail, the battle of Rymnik. As a result, most of the northern Black Sea region went to Russia. The political positions of the Empire in the Balkans and Transcaucasia were significantly strengthened.

In 1783, Georgia voluntarily signed an agreement on a protectorate from Russia. In 1796, Persian troops invaded Georgia, and, having defeated a small Georgian army, they ravaged Tbilisi. In response, Russia declared war on the Persians, which lasted a little over six months.

During the Persian campaign, Russian troops occupied the territory of modern Caspian Dagestan, which then belonged to the Persians. Entered Russian army in Azerbaijan, allied with Persia, occupied the cities of Derbent, Ganja and Baku.

Other destinations

Catherine the Great pursued an active policy in other areas as well. In 1788 began two-year war with Sweden. Taking advantage of the beginning of the Russian-Turkish war, the Swedes decided to return by force the lands they had lost during the time of Peter I.

However, after a series of naval and land battles, without achieving success, the Swedes were forced to sign a peace treaty restoring the pre-war status quo.

During the North American War of Independence from England, Catherine officially declared a policy of neutrality. Also, the state remained neutral during the Austro-Prussian War, acting as an arbiter between these two German powers.

During the reign of Catherine II, active development of the coast by Russian sailors and pioneers began. Alaska and the Aleutian Islands.

As a result, the Northwestern tip of the American continent was included in the Russian Empire as the American county of the Irkutsk province. The final result of the foreign policy activities of Catherine the Great was the consolidation of the status of a superpower for the Russian Empire, as well as significant expansion of its territory.