Emperor Nicholas II Romanov (1868-1918) succeeded to the throne on 20 October 1894 after the death of his father Alexander III. The years of his reign from 1894 to 1917 were marked by the economic rise of Russia and, at the same time, the growth of revolutionary movements.

The latter was due to the fact that the new sovereign in everything followed the political guidelines that his father inspired him. In his heart, the king was deeply convinced that any parliamentary form of government would harm the empire. For the ideal, patriarchal relations were taken, where the crowned ruler acted as a father, and the people were considered as children.

However, such archaic views did not correspond to the real political situation in the country by the beginning of the 20th century. It was this discrepancy that led the emperor, and with him the empire, to the catastrophe that occurred in 1917.

Emperor Nicholas II
artist Ernest Lipgart

The years of the reign of Nicholas II (1894-1917)

The reign of Nicholas II can be divided into two stages. The first before the revolution of 1905, and the second from 1905 until the abdication of the throne on March 2, 1917. The first period is characterized by a negative attitude towards any manifestation of liberalism. At the same time, the tsar tried to avoid any political transformations and hoped that the people would adhere to autocratic traditions.

But the Russian Empire suffered a complete defeat in the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), and then a revolution broke out in 1905. All this became the reasons that forced the last ruler of the Romanov dynasty to make compromises and political concessions. However, they were perceived by the sovereign as temporary, so parliamentarism in Russia was hampered in every possible way. As a result, by 1917 the emperor lost support in all strata of Russian society.

Considering the image of Emperor Nicholas II, it should be noted that he was an educated and extremely pleasant person to communicate with. His favorite hobbies were art and literature. At the same time, the sovereign did not have the proper determination and will, which were fully present in his father.

The cause of the disaster was the coronation of the emperor and his wife Alexandra Feodorovna on May 14, 1896 in Moscow. On this occasion, mass celebrations on Khodynka were scheduled for May 18, and it was announced that royal gifts would be distributed to people. This attracted a huge number of residents of Moscow and the Moscow region to the Khodynka field.

As a result, a terrible stampede arose, in which, as journalists claimed, 5 thousand people died. The Mother See was shocked by the tragedy, and the tsar did not even cancel the celebrations in the Kremlin and the ball at the French embassy. People did not forgive the new emperor for this.

The second terrible tragedy was Bloody Sunday on January 9, 1905 (for details, see the article Bloody Sunday). This time, the troops opened fire on the workers who were going to the tsar to hand over the petition. About 200 people died, and 800 were injured of varying severity. This unpleasant incident took place against the backdrop of the Russo-Japanese War, which was extremely unsuccessful for the Russian Empire. After this event, Emperor Nicholas II received the nickname Bloody.

Revolutionary sentiments turned into revolution. A wave of strikes and terrorist attacks swept across the country. They killed policemen, officers, tsarist officials. All this forced the tsar on August 6, 1905 to sign a manifesto on the creation of the State Duma. However, this did not prevent an all-Russian political strike. The emperor had no choice but to sign a new manifesto on 17 October. He expanded the powers of the Duma and gave the people additional freedoms. At the end of April 1906, all this was approved by law. And only after that the revolutionary unrest began to decline.

Heir to the throne Nicholas with his mother Maria Feodorovna

Economic policy

The main creator of economic policy at the first stage of the reign was the Minister of Finance, and then Chairman of the Council of Ministers Sergei Yulievich Witte (1849-1915). He was an active supporter of attracting foreign capital to Russia. According to his project, gold circulation was introduced in the state. At the same time, domestic industry and trade were supported in every possible way. At the same time, the state strictly controlled the development of the economy.

Since 1902, the Minister of the Interior Vyacheslav Konstantinovich Plehve (1846-1904) began to exert great influence on the tsar. The newspapers wrote that he was the royal puppeteer. He was an extremely intelligent and experienced politician, capable of constructive compromises. He sincerely believed that the country needed reforms, but only under the leadership of the autocracy. This outstanding man was killed in the summer of 1904 by the Socialist-Revolutionary Sazonov, who threw a bomb into his carriage in St. Petersburg.

In 1906-1911, the decisive and strong-willed Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin (1862-1911) determined the policy in the country. He fought against the revolutionary movement, peasant revolts and at the same time carried out reforms. He considered the main agrarian reform. Rural communities were disbanded, and the peasants received the rights to create their own farms. To this end, the Peasants' Bank was reorganized and many programs developed. The ultimate goal of Stolypin was the creation of a numerous layer of wealthy peasant farms. He spent 20 years doing this.

However, Stolypin's relationship with the State Duma was extremely difficult. He insisted that the Emperor dissolve the Duma and change the electoral law. Many perceived it as a coup d'état. The next Duma turned out to be more conservative in its composition and more submissive to the authorities.

But not only the Duma members were dissatisfied with Stolypin, but also the tsar and the royal court. These people did not want fundamental reforms in the country. And on September 1, 1911, in the city of Kyiv, at the play "The Tale of Tsar Saltan", Pyotr Arkadievich was mortally wounded by the Socialist-Revolutionary Bogrov. On September 5, he died and was buried in the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra. With the death of this man, the last hopes for reforms without a bloody revolution disappeared.

In 1913, the country's economy was on the rise. It seemed to many that the "silver age" of the Russian Empire and the era of prosperity of the Russian people had finally come. This year the whole country celebrated the 300th anniversary of the Romanov dynasty. The festivities were magnificent. They were accompanied by balls and festivities. But everything changed on July 19 (August 1), 1914, when Germany declared war on Russia.

The last years of the reign of Nicholas II

With the outbreak of the war, the whole country experienced an extraordinary patriotic upsurge. Demonstrations were held in provincial cities and the capital expressing full support for Emperor Nicholas II. A struggle with everything German swept across the country. Even Petersburg was renamed Petrograd. The strikes stopped, and the mobilization covered 10 million people.

At the front, Russian troops first advanced. But the victories ended in defeat in East Prussia under Tannenberg. Also at the beginning, military operations against Austria, which was an ally of Germany, were successful. However, in May 1915, the Austro-German troops inflicted a heavy defeat on Russia. She had to cede Poland and Lithuania.

The economic situation in the country began to deteriorate. The products manufactured by the military industry did not meet the needs of the front. Theft flourished in the rear, and numerous victims began to cause indignation in society.

At the end of August 1915, the emperor assumed the functions of the supreme commander-in-chief, removing Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich from this post. This was a serious miscalculation, since all military failures began to be attributed to the sovereign, and he did not have any military talents.

The crowning achievement of Russian military art was the Brusilovsky breakthrough in the summer of 1916. During this brilliant operation, a crushing defeat was inflicted on the Austrian and German troops. The Russian army occupied Volyn, Bukovina and most of Galicia. Large war trophies of the enemy were captured. But, unfortunately, this was the last major victory of the Russian army.

The further course of events was deplorable for the Russian Empire. Revolutionary moods intensified, discipline in the army began to fall. It became common to disobey the orders of commanders. Desertions have become more frequent. Both society and the army were annoyed by the influence that Grigory Rasputin had on the royal family. A simple Siberian peasant was gifted with extraordinary abilities. He was the only one who could relieve attacks from Tsarevich Alexei, who suffered from hemophilia.

Therefore, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna immensely trusted the elder. And he, using his influence at court, interfered in political issues. All this, of course, irritated society. In the end, a conspiracy arose against Rasputin (for details, see the article The Murder of Rasputin). The presumptuous old man was killed in December 1916.

The coming year of 1917 was the last in the history of the Romanov dynasty. The royal power no longer controlled the country. A special committee of the State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet formed a new government headed by Prince Lvov. It demanded that Emperor Nicholas II abdicate the throne. On March 2, 1917, the sovereign signed a renunciation manifesto in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich. Michael also renounced supreme power. The Romanov dynasty ended.

Empress Alexandra Feodorovna
artist A. Makovsky

Personal life of Nicholas II

Nicholas married for love. His wife was Alice of Hesse-Darmstadt. After the adoption of Orthodoxy, she took the name Alexandra Feodorovna. The marriage took place on November 14, 1894 at the Winter Palace. In marriage, the Empress gave birth to 4 girls (Olga, Tatyana, Maria, Anastasia) and in 1904 a boy was born. They named him Alex.

The last Russian emperor lived with his wife in love and harmony until his death. Alexandra Fedorovna herself had a complex and secretive character. She was shy and uncommunicative. Her world was closed on the crowned family, and the wife had a strong influence on her husband in both personal and political affairs.

As a woman, she was deeply religious and prone to all sorts of mysticism. This was greatly facilitated by the illness of Tsarevich Alexei. Therefore, Rasputin, who had a mystical talent, gained such influence at the royal court. But the people did not like the mother empress for her excessive pride and isolation. This harmed the regime to a certain extent.

After the abdication, the former Emperor Nicholas II and his family were arrested and stayed in Tsarskoye Selo until the end of July 1917. Then the crowned persons were transported to Tobolsk, and from there in May 1918 they were transported to Yekaterinburg. There they were settled in the house of the engineer Ipatiev.

On the night of July 16-17, 1918, the Russian Tsar and his family were brutally murdered in the basement of the Ipatiev House. After that, their bodies were mutilated beyond recognition and secretly buried (for details on the death of the imperial family, see the article of the Kingslayer). In 1998, the found remains of the dead were reburied in the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg.

Thus ended the 300-year epic of the Romanov dynasty. It began in the 17th century in the Ipatiev Monastery, and ended in the 20th century in the house of the engineer Ipatiev. And the history of Russia continued, but in a completely different capacity.

Burial place of the family of Nicholas II
in the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg

Leonid Druzhnikov

Nature did not give Nikolai the properties important for the sovereign, which his late father possessed. Most importantly, Nikolai did not have a "mind of the heart" - political instinct, foresight and that inner strength that those around him feel and obey. However, Nikolai himself felt his weakness, helplessness in the face of fate. He even foresaw his own bitter fate: "I will undergo severe trials, but I will not see a reward on earth." Nikolai considered himself an eternal loser: “I can’t do anything in my endeavors. I have no luck "... In addition, he not only turned out to be unprepared for rule, but also did not like state affairs, which were torment for him, a heavy burden: "A day of rest for me - no reports, no receptions ... I read a lot - again they sent heaps of papers ... ”(from the diary). There was no paternal passion in him, no dedication to business. He said: "I ... try not to think about anything and find that this is the only way to rule Russia." At the same time, it was extremely difficult to deal with him. Nicholas was secretive, vindictive. Witte called him a "Byzantine", who knew how to attract a person with his confidence, and then deceive him. One wit wrote about the king: “He doesn’t lie, but he doesn’t tell the truth either.”

KHODYNKA

And three days later [after the coronation of Nicholas on May 14, 1896 in the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin] on the out-of-town Khodynka field, where the festivities were to take place, there was terrible tragedy. Already in the evening, on the eve of the day of festivities, thousands of people began to gather there, hoping to be among the first to receive in the morning in the “buffet” (of which hundreds were prepared) a royal gift - one of 400 thousand gifts wrapped in a colored scarf, consisting of a “grocery set” ( half a pound of sausage, bacon, sweets, nuts, gingerbread), and most importantly - an outlandish, "eternal" enameled mug with a royal monogram and gilding. The Khodynka field was a training ground and was all pitted with ditches, trenches and pits. The night turned out to be moonless, dark, crowds of "guests" arrived and arrived, heading towards the "buffets". People, not seeing the road in front of them, fell into pits and ditches, and from behind they were crowded and crowded by those who approached from Moscow. […]

In total, by morning, about half a million Muscovites had gathered on Khodynka, compressed into huge crowds. As V. A. Gilyarovsky recalled,

“Steam began to rise above the million-strong crowd, like a swamp fog ... The crush was terrible. Many were treated badly, some lost consciousness, unable to get out or even fall: senseless, with their eyes closed, compressed, as if in a vise, they swayed along with the mass.

The crush intensified when bartenders, in fear of the onslaught of the crowd, without waiting for the announced deadline, began to distribute gifts ...

According to official figures, 1389 people died, although in reality there were many more victims. The blood froze even among the worldly-wise military and firefighters: scalped heads, crushed chests, premature babies lying in the dust ... The Tsar learned about this catastrophe in the morning, but did not cancel any of the planned festivities and in the evening opened a ball with the charming wife of the French ambassador Montebello ... And although later the king visited hospitals and donated money to the families of the dead, it was already too late. The indifference shown by the sovereign to his people in the first hours of the catastrophe cost him dearly. He was nicknamed "Nicholas the Bloody".

NICHOLAS II AND THE ARMY

When he was the heir to the throne, the young Sovereign received thorough drill training, not only in the guards, but also in the army infantry. At the request of his sovereign father, he served as a junior officer in the 65th Moscow Infantry Regiment (the first case of placing a member of the Royal House in the army infantry). The observant and sensitive Tsarevich got acquainted in every detail with the life of the troops and, having become the All-Russian Emperor, turned all his attention to improving this life. His first orders streamlined production in the chief officer ranks, increased salaries and pensions, and improved the allowance of soldiers. He canceled the passage with a ceremonial march, running, knowing from experience how hard it is given to the troops.

Emperor Nikolai Alexandrovich preserved this love and affection for the troops until his martyr's death. Characteristic of the love of Emperor Nicholas II for the troops is his avoidance of the official term "lower rank". The sovereign considered him too dry, official and always used the words: “Cossack”, “hussar”, “shooter”, etc. One cannot read the lines of the Tobolsk diary of the dark days of the accursed year without deep emotion:

December 6. My name day... At 12 o'clock a prayer service was served. The arrows of the 4th regiment, who were in the garden, who were on guard, all congratulated me, and I congratulated them on the regimental holiday.

FROM THE DIARY OF NICHOLAS II IN 1905

June 15th. Wednesday. Hot quiet day. Alix and I hosted for a very long time at the Farm and on whole hour late for breakfast. Uncle Alexei was waiting for him with the children in the garden. Did a great kayak ride. Aunt Olga came to tea. Bathed in the sea. Ride after lunch.

I received stunning news from Odessa that the crew of the battleship Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky, who had arrived there, rebelled, killed the officers and took possession of the ship, threatening unrest in the city. I just can't believe it!

Today the war with Turkey began. Early in the morning, the Turkish squadron approached Sevastopol in the fog and opened fire on the batteries, and left half an hour later. At the same time, "Breslau" bombarded Feodosia, and "Goeben" appeared in front of Novorossiysk.

The German scoundrels continue to retreat hastily into western Poland.

MANIFESTO ON THE DISSOLUTION OF THE FIRST STATE DUMA JULY 9, 1906

By Our will, people chosen from the population were called to legislative construction […] Firmly trusting in the mercy of God, believing in the bright and great future of Our people, We expected from their labors the good and benefit for the country. […] In all branches of people's life We have planned major transformations, and in the first place has always been Our main concern to dispel the darkness of the people with the light of enlightenment and the hardships of the people by easing land labor. A severe test has been sent down to Our expectations. Elected from the population, instead of working on the construction of the legislative, evaded into an area that did not belong to them and turned to investigating the actions of the local authorities appointed by Us, to pointing out to Us the imperfection of the Fundamental Laws, changes to which can only be undertaken by Our Monarch's will, and to actions that are clearly illegal, as appeal on behalf of the Duma to the population. […]

Embarrassed by such disturbances, the peasantry, not expecting a legitimate improvement in their situation, went over in a number of provinces to open robbery, theft of other people's property, disobedience to the law and legitimate authorities. […]

But let Our subjects remember that only with complete order and tranquility is it possible to achieve a lasting improvement in the way of life of the people. Let it be known that We will not allow any self-will or lawlessness and with all the power of state power we will bring those who disobey the law to submission to Our Royal will. We call on all well-meaning Russian people to unite to maintain legitimate power and restore peace in our dear Fatherland.

May peace be restored in the Russian land, and may the Almighty help Us to carry out the most important of Our Royal works - raising the welfare of the peasantry. an honest way to expand your landholding. Persons of other estates will, at Our call, make every effort to carry out this great task, the final decision of which in the legislative order will belong to the future composition of the Duma.

We, dissolving the current composition of the State Duma, at the same time confirm Our unchanging intention to keep in force the very law on the establishment of this institution and, in accordance with this Decree to Our Governing Senate on July 8, set the time for its new convocation on February 20, 1907 of the year.

MANIFESTO ON THE DISSOLUTION OF THE 2nd STATE DUMA JUNE 3, 1907

To our regret, a significant part of the composition of the Second State Duma did not live up to our expectations. Not with a pure heart, not with a desire to strengthen Russia and improve its system, many of the people sent from the population set to work, but with a clear desire to increase confusion and contribute to the decay of the state. The activities of these persons in the State Duma served as an insurmountable obstacle to fruitful work. A spirit of hostility was introduced into the midst of the Duma itself, which prevented a sufficient number of its members from uniting who wanted to work for the benefit of their native land.

For this reason, the State Duma either did not consider the extensive measures worked out by our government at all, or slowed down the discussion or rejected it, not stopping even at the rejection of laws that punished the open praise of crimes and strictly punished the sowers of unrest in the troops. Avoiding condemnation of murder and violence. The State Duma did not render moral assistance to the government in the matter of establishing order, and Russia continues to experience the shame of criminal hard times. The slow consideration by the State Duma of the state painting caused difficulty in timely satisfaction of many urgent needs of the people.

The right to make inquiries to the government has been turned by a significant portion of the Duma into a means of fighting the government and inciting distrust in it among the broad sections of the population. Finally, an act unheard of in the annals of history was accomplished. The judiciary uncovered a conspiracy of an entire section of the State Duma against the state and the tsarist government. But when our government demanded the temporary removal of the fifty-five members of the Duma accused of this crime and the imprisonment of the most exposed of them, until the end of the trial, the State Duma did not comply with the immediate legal demand of the authorities, which did not allow for any delay. […]

Created to strengthen the Russian state, the State Duma must be Russian in spirit. Other nationalities that were part of our state should have representatives of their needs in the State Duma, but they should not and will not be among the number that gives them the opportunity to be the arbiters of purely Russian issues. In the same outskirts of the state, where the population has not achieved sufficient development of citizenship, the elections to the State Duma should be temporarily suspended.

Holy fools and Rasputin

The king, and especially the queen, were subject to mysticism. The closest maid of honor of Alexandra Feodorovna and Nicholas II, Anna Alexandrovna Vyrubova (Taneeva), wrote in her memoirs: “The sovereign, like his ancestor Alexander I, was always mystical; the Empress was equally mystical… Their Majesties said that they believe that there are people, as in the time of the Apostles… who possess the grace of God and whose prayer the Lord hears.”

Because of this, in the Winter Palace one could often see various holy fools, "blessed", fortune tellers, people who were supposedly able to influence the fate of people. This is Pasha the perspicacious, and Matryona the sandal, and Mitya Kozelsky, and Anastasia Nikolaevna Leuchtenbergskaya (Stana) - the wife of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich Jr. The doors of the royal palace were wide open for all kinds of rogues and adventurers, such as, for example, the Frenchman Philippe (real name - Nizier Vachol), who presented the empress with an icon with a bell, which was supposed to ring when approaching Alexandra Feodorovna people "with bad intentions" .

But the crown of royal mysticism was Grigory Efimovich Rasputin, who managed to completely subjugate the queen, and through her the king. “Now it is not the tsar who rules, but the rogue Rasputin,” Bogdanovich noted in February 1912, “All respect for the tsar is gone.” The same idea was expressed on August 3, 1916. former minister Foreign Affairs S.D. Sazonov in a conversation with M. Paleolog: "The Emperor reigns, but the Empress, inspired by Rasputin, rules."

Rasputin […] quickly recognized all the weaknesses of the royal couple and skillfully used this. Alexandra Fedorovna wrote to her husband in September 1916: “I fully believe in the wisdom of our Friend, sent down to Him by God, to advise what you and our country need.” “Listen to Him,” she instructed Nicholas II, “... God sent Him to you as assistants and leaders.” […]

It came to the point that individual governor-generals, chief prosecutors of the Holy Synod and ministers were appointed and removed by the tsar on the recommendation of Rasputin, transmitted through the tsarina. On January 20, 1916, on his advice, he was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers V.V. Stürmer is "an absolutely unprincipled person and a complete nonentity", as Shulgin described him.

Radtsig E.S. Nicholas II in the memoirs of those close to him. New and recent history. No. 2, 1999

REFORM AND COUNTER-REFORMS

The most promising path of development for the country through consistent democratic reforms turned out to be impossible. Although it was marked, as if by a dotted line, even under Alexander I, in the future it was either subjected to distortions or even interrupted. Under the autocratic form of government, which throughout the XIX century. remained unshakable in Russia, the decisive word on any question of the fate of the country belonged to the monarchs. They, by the whim of history, alternated: the reformer Alexander I - the reactionary Nicholas I, the reformer Alexander II - the counter-reformer Alexander III (Nicholas II, who ascended the throne in 1894, also had to reform after his father's counter-reforms at the beginning of the next century) .

DEVELOPMENT OF RUSSIA DURING THE BOARD OF NICHOLAS II

The main executor of all the transformations in the first decade of the reign of Nicholas II (1894-1904) was S.Yu. Witte. A talented financier and statesman, S. Witte, heading the Ministry of Finance in 1892, promised Alexander III, without carrying out political reforms, to make Russia one of the leading industrialized countries in 20 years.

The industrialization policy developed by Witte required significant capital investments from the budget. One of the sources of capital was the introduction of the state monopoly on wine and vodka products in 1894, which became the main budget revenue item.

In 1897, a monetary reform was carried out. Measures to raise taxes, increase gold mining, and conclude foreign loans made it possible to put into circulation gold coins instead of paper notes, which helped to attract foreign capital to Russia and strengthen the country's monetary system, thanks to which the state's income doubled. The reform of commercial and industrial taxation, carried out in 1898, introduced a trade tax.

The real result of Witte's economic policy was the accelerated development of industrial and railway construction. In the period from 1895 to 1899, an average of 3,000 kilometers of tracks per year were built in the country.

By 1900, Russia came out on top in the world in oil production.

By the end of 1903, there were 23,000 factory enterprises operating in Russia, with approximately 2,200,000 workers. Politics S.Yu. Witte gave impetus to the development of Russian industry, commercial and industrial entrepreneurship, and the economy.

Under the project of P.A. Stolypin, an agrarian reform was launched: the peasants were allowed to freely dispose of their land, leave the community and run a farm economy. The attempt to abolish the rural community was of great importance for the development of capitalist relations in the countryside.

Chapter 19. The reign of Nicholas II (1894-1917). Russian history

THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

On the same day, July 29, at the insistence of the chief of the general staff, Yanushkevich, Nicholas II signed a decree on general mobilization. In the evening, the head of the mobilization department of the general staff, General Dobrorolsky, arrived at the building of the St. Petersburg main telegraph office and personally brought there the text of the decree on mobilization for communication to all parts of the empire. There were literally a few minutes left before the devices were supposed to start transmitting the telegram. And suddenly Dobrorolsky was given the order of the king to suspend the transmission of the decree. It turned out that the tsar received a new telegram from Wilhelm. In his telegram, the Kaiser again assured that he would try to reach an agreement between Russia and Austria, and asked the Tsar not to hinder this with military preparations. After reviewing the telegram, Nikolai informed Sukhomlinov that he was canceling the decree on general mobilization. The tsar decided to confine himself to a partial mobilization directed only against Austria.

Sazonov, Yanushkevich and Sukhomlinov were extremely concerned that Nicholas had succumbed to the influence of Wilhelm. They were afraid that Germany would overtake Russia in the concentration and deployment of the army. They met on July 30 in the morning and decided to try to convince the king. Yanushkevich and Sukhomlinov tried to do it over the phone. However, Nikolai dryly announced to Yanushkevich that he was ending the conversation. The general nevertheless managed to inform the tsar that Sazonov was present in the room, who would also like to say a few words to him. After a pause, the king agreed to listen to the minister. Sazonov asked for an audience for an urgent report. Nikolai was silent again, and then offered to come to him at 3 o'clock. Sazonov agreed with his interlocutors that if he convinced the tsar, he would immediately call Yanushkevich from the Peterhof Palace, and he would give an order to the main telegraph to the officer on duty to communicate the decree to all military districts. “After that,” Yanushkevich said, “I will leave home, break the phone, and generally make sure that I can no longer be found for a new cancellation of the general mobilization.”

For almost a whole hour, Sazonov proved to Nikolai that war was inevitable anyway, since Germany was striving for it, and that under these conditions it was extremely dangerous to delay general mobilization. In the end, Nikolai agreed. […] From the vestibule, Sazonov called Yanushkevich and informed him of the tsar's approval. "Now you can break your phone," he added. At 5 o'clock in the evening on July 30, all the apparatuses of the main St. Petersburg telegraph began to pound. They sent the tsar's decree on general mobilization to all military districts. July 31, in the morning, he became public.

Beginning of the First World War. History of Diplomacy. Volume 2. Edited by V.P. Potemkin. Moscow-Leningrad, 1945

THE BOARD OF NICHOLAS II IN THE ESTIMATIONS OF HISTORIANS

In emigration, there was a split among researchers in assessing the personality of the last king. Disputes often took on a sharp character, and the participants in the discussions took opposite positions from praising on the right conservative flank to criticism from the liberals and vilification on the left, socialist flank.

S. Oldenburg, N. Markov, I. Solonevich belonged to the monarchists who worked in exile. According to I. Solonevich: “Nicholas II is a man of “average abilities”, faithfully and honestly did everything for Russia that He knew how, that He could. No one else could and could not do more ... "Left historians speak of Emperor Nicholas II as mediocrity, right - as an idol, whose talent or mediocrity is not subject to discussion." […].

The even more right-wing monarchist N. Markov noted: “The sovereign himself was slandered and discredited in the eyes of his people, he could not withstand the vicious pressure of all those who, it would seem, were obliged to strengthen and defend the monarchy in every possible way” […].

The largest researcher of the reign of the last Russian Tsar is S. Oldenburg, whose work remains of paramount importance in the 21st century. For any researcher of the Nikolaev period of Russian history, it is necessary, in the process of studying this era, to get acquainted with the work of S. Oldenburg "The Reign of Emperor Nicholas II". […].

The left-liberal direction was represented by P. N. Milyukov, who stated in the book “The Second Russian Revolution”: “Concessions to power (Manifesto of October 17, 1905) could not satisfy society and the people not only because they were insufficient and incomplete. They were insincere and deceitful, and the power that gave them herself did not for a minute look at them as having been ceded forever and completely.

The socialist A.F. Kerensky wrote in the History of Russia: “The reign of Nicholas II was fatal for Russia due to his personal qualities. But he was clear on one thing: having entered the war and linking the fate of Russia with the fate of the countries allied with her, he did not make any tempting compromises with Germany until the very end, until his martyr's death […]. The king carried the burden of power. She internally burdened him ... He did not have the will to power. He kept it by oath and tradition” […].

Modern Russian historians assess the reign of the last Russian tsar in different ways. The same split was observed among researchers of the reign of Nicholas II in exile. Some of them were monarchists, others adhered to liberal views, and others considered themselves supporters of socialism. In our time, the historiography of the reign of Nicholas II can be divided into three areas, such as in emigre literature. But in relation to the post-Soviet period, clarifications are also needed: modern researchers who praise the tsar are not necessarily monarchists, although there is certainly a certain trend: A. Bokhanov, O. Platonov, V. Multatuli, M. Nazarov.

A. Bokhanov, the largest modern historian of the study of pre-revolutionary Russia, positively assesses the reign of Emperor Nicholas II: “In 1913, peace, order, and prosperity reigned all around. Russia confidently went forward, no unrest happened. Industry worked at full capacity, agriculture developed dynamically, and each year brought more and more harvests. Prosperity grew, and the purchasing power of the population increased year by year. The rearmament of the army has begun, a few more years - and Russian military power will become the first force in the world ” […].

The conservative historian V. Shambarov speaks positively about the last tsar, noting that the tsar was too soft in dealing with his political enemies, who were also enemies of Russia: “Russia was not destroyed by autocratic “despotism”, but rather by the weakness and toothlessness of power.” The tsar too often tried to find a compromise, to agree with the liberals, so that there would be no bloodshed between the government and part of the people deceived by the liberals and socialists. To do this, Nicholas II dismissed decent, competent ministers loyal to the monarchy, and instead of them appointed either non-professionals or secret enemies of the autocratic monarchy, or swindlers. […].

M. Nazarov in his book “To the Leader of the Third Rome” drew attention to the aspect of the global conspiracy of the financial elite to overthrow the Russian monarchy… […] According to the description of Admiral A. Bubnov, an atmosphere of conspiracy reigned in the Stavka. At the decisive moment, in response to Alekseev's cleverly formulated request for abdication, only two generals publicly expressed their loyalty to the Sovereign and their readiness to lead their troops to quell the rebellion (General Khan Nakhichevan and General Count F.A. Keller). The rest greeted the renunciation with red bows. Including the future founders of the White Army, Generals Alekseev and Kornilov (the latter then fell to announce to the royal family the order of the Provisional Government on her arrest). Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich also broke his oath on March 1, 1917 - even before the abdication of the Tsar and as a means of putting pressure on him! - withdrew his military unit (Guards crew) from the protection of the royal family, appeared in the State Duma under a red flag, provided this headquarters of the Masonic revolution with his guardsmen to protect the arrested tsarist ministers and issued an appeal to other troops "to join the new government." “There is cowardice and betrayal and deceit all around,” these were the last words in the royal diary on the night of the renunciation […].

Representatives of the old socialist ideology, for example, A.M. Anfimov and E.S. Radzig, on the contrary, negatively assess the reign of the last Russian tsar, calling the years of his reign a chain of crimes against the people.

Between the two directions - praise and excessively harsh, unfair criticism, there are the works of Ananich B.V., N.V. Kuznetsov and P. Cherkasov. […]

P. Cherkasov adheres to the middle in assessing the reign of Nicholas: “From the pages of all the works mentioned in the review, the tragic personality of the last Russian tsar appears - a deeply decent and delicate man to the point of shyness, an exemplary Christian, a loving husband and father, faithful to his duty and at the same time not outstanding statesman, a prisoner once and for all assimilated beliefs in the inviolability of the order of things bequeathed to him by his ancestors. He was neither a despot, nor even an executioner of his people, as our official historiography claimed, but he was not even a saint during his lifetime, as is sometimes claimed now, although by his martyrdom he undoubtedly atoned for all the sins and mistakes of his reign. The drama of Nicholas II as a politician is in his mediocrity, in the discrepancy between the scale of his personality and the challenge of the times” […].

And finally, there are historians of liberal views, such as K. Shatsillo, A. Utkin. According to the first: “Nicholas II, unlike his grandfather Alexander II, not only did not give overdue reforms, but even if the revolutionary movement pulled them out by force, he stubbornly strove to take back what was given “in a moment of hesitation”. All this "driven" the country into a new revolution, made it completely inevitable ... A. Utkin went even further, agreeing that the Russian government was one of the culprits of the First World War, wanting a clash with Germany. At the same time, the tsarist administration simply did not calculate the strength of Russia: “Criminal pride has ruined Russia. Under no circumstances should she go to war with the industrial champion of the continent. Russia had the opportunity to avoid a fatal conflict with Germany.

The personality of the ruler is revealed in his plans and deeds. Even before the coronation, Nicholas II emphasized that he would adhere to the principles of his father's rule. Alexander III provided Russia with 13 peaceful years in the field of international relations. But he did not introduce his son to the basic facts that determine the international position of Russia. Nicholas II became acquainted with the terms of the Franco-Russian alliance only when he became tsar. He set himself the goal of preventing military clashes, did not consider it possible and sufficient to rely on a military alliance. Nicholas II came up with the idea of ​​general and complete disarmament. The main proposals of the emperor were not accepted, although some progress was made on certain issues - the use of the most barbaric methods of war was prohibited and a permanent court was established to peacefully resolve disputes through rivalry and arbitration. The latter institution became the prototype of the League of Nations and the United Nations.

The reign of Nicholas II is the period of the highest rates of economic growth in the history of Russia and the USSR. For 1880-1910. industrial growth rates exceeded 9% per year. In terms of growth rates of industrial production, Russia has taken the first place, ahead of the rapidly developing United States.

In terms of crop production, Russia has taken 1st place in the world, growing more than half of the world's production of rye, more than 25% of wheat and oats, about 20% of barley, about 25% of potatoes. Russia became the main exporter of agricultural products, the first "breadbasket of Europe", which accounted for 20% of all world exports of peasant products. The rapid development of the level of industry and agricultural production allowed Russia during the reign of Nicholas II to have a stable convertible currency. Economic policy The reign of Nicholas II was built on the basis of the most favored nation to all healthy economic forces through preferential taxation and lending, assistance in organizing all-Russian industrial fairs, and the comprehensive development of means of communication and communications. Nicholas II attached great importance to the development of railways. The rise in industrial production during the reign was largely connected with the development of new factory legislation, one of the active creators of which was the emperor himself as the main legislator of the country. The purpose of the new factory legislation was, on the one hand, to streamline relations between entrepreneurs and workers, on the other hand, to improve the situation of workers living on industrial earnings. The law of June 2, 1897 introduced the rationing of the working day. Another law, with the direct participation of Nicholas II, is on the remuneration of workers who suffered from accidents (1903). The tsar actively promoted the development of Russian culture, art, science, and the reforms of the army and navy. One of the first acts of Nicholas II was the order to allocate significant funds to assist needy scientists, writers and publicists, as well as widows and orphans (1895). In 1896, a new charter on privileges for inventions was introduced. Already the first years of the reign of Nicholas II led to brilliant intellectual and cultural achievements, later called the "Russian Renaissance" or silver age Russia.

In 1913, Russia celebrated the 300th anniversary of the Romanov dynasty on an extraordinary scale. The anniversary was marked by magnificent celebrations, magnificent parades, folk festivals. Luxurious editions dedicated to the history of the royal house were published. The country was optimistic about the future. Forecasts were different, but no one could have imagined that a mighty empire that seemed full of strength was living out its last years.

A year later, the war began. From the balcony of the Winter Palace, Nicholas II himself read out a manifesto about the beginning of the war. This was the period of the king's greatest confidence. The tsar regularly travels to Stavka to the front, to the rear, to the factories. He himself visits hospitals and infirmaries, rewards officers and soldiers. Nicholas II saw that his presence inspires the soldiers, especially if he was with his son Alexei. P. Gilliard wrote: “The presence of the Heir next to the sovereign arouses interest in the soldiers, and when he walked away, they could be heard whispering about his age, height, facial expression, etc. But most of all they were struck by the fact that the Tsarevich was in a simple soldier's uniform, no different from the one worn by a team of soldier's children.

Russia was not ready for war, there was only determination to win. Nicholas II decided to head the front command himself. The spirit of defeatism reigned in the rear, and anti-monarchist groups began to form. Nicholas II did not yet know that the autocracy practically no longer exists. Later he wrote: “... all around treason, betrayal and cowardice...”, Nicholas II was left alone. There was an organized smear campaign designed to discredit the Tsar. They did not hesitate to use the most vile and dirty accusations - espionage in favor of the Germans, complete moral decay. An increasing part of Russia's educated society is torn away from Russian traditions and ideals and takes the side of these destructive forces.

Of interest is the deep assessment of the events that took place on the eve of the death of the Russian emperor, given by W. Churchill in his book "The World Crisis of 1916-1918". “... In March, the king was on the throne. The Russian Empire and the Russian army held out, the front was secured and victory is indisputable. ...According to the superficial fashion of our time, the royal system is usually interpreted as a blind, rotten, incapable tyranny. But an analysis of 30 months of war with Germany and Austria should correct these superficial notions. We can measure the strength of the Russian Empire by the blows it has endured, by the disasters it has endured, by the inexhaustible forces that it has developed, and by the restoration of the forces of which it has proved capable...”.

In an atmosphere of growing confrontation, Nicholas II was forced to abdicate in order to avoid bloodshed. It was the tragic finest hour of Nicholas II. Nicholas II was separated from his family. On March 21, the Empress was arrested in Tsarskoye Selo, on the same day Nicholas II was to be arrested. For the first time in 23 years, he did not have to read reports, make ministers and make final decisions on matters of national importance. Nikolai got the opportunity to manage his time at his own discretion: to read, smoke, work with children, play snowballs, walk in the park, and began to read the Bible.

Using a movie camera donated to Alexei by the Pate film company before the revolution, Nikolai organized film screenings in the evenings. Alexei played the role of a sedate host, inviting everyone to his room to watch movies. Count Benckendorff, a frequent guest at these evenings, recalled: “He is very smart and intelligent, he has a pronounced character and a wonderful heart. If we manage to cope with his illness and if God grants him life, he will play an important role in the future in the revival of our unfortunate country. His character was formed under the influence of the suffering of his parents and his own, experienced in childhood. Perhaps God will have mercy and save him and his entire family from the fanatics in whose clutches they are now.”

The provisional government placed responsibility for the safety of the imperial family entirely on the shoulders of Kerensky, who later admitted that, in close contact with the tsar in those weeks, he was struck by “modesty and the complete absence of any posture. This naturalness in behavior, unfeigned simplicity created a special attractive force and charm of the emperor, which were even more sharply enhanced by amazing eyes, deep and tragic ... ". For security reasons, it was decided to move the royal family to Tobolsk. After the conclusion of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, the royal family was transferred to Yekaterinburg, where they all became truly prisoners. Security behaved arrogantly and defiantly. Except for daily walks in the garden at noon, the family's life was limited by the four walls of their rooms. Nikolai and Alexandra read, the girls knitted and embroidered, Alexei played in bed with a ship model. The Ural Council unanimously decided to shoot the entire royal family as soon as possible and destroy all traces of what had been done. Despite attempts to hide forever how the royal family was killed, the circumstances of this cruel act of vandalism became known to the world. The perpetrators of this murder and desecration of the remains are condemned today by people.

10 years ago, the family of Nicholas II was canonized by the Russian Church. In Yekaterinburg, at the site of their tragic death in early 1990, a cross was erected in their memory, at the foot of which fresh flowers constantly lie. A few months ago, a cross was erected at the Vagankovsky cemetery for all the Romanovs. This cross has become a symbol of Russia's return to spiritual roots, a symbol of spiritual Resurrection.

Nicholas II. On October 20, 1894 Emperor Alexander III died. Her son Nicholas II ascended the throne.
Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov was born on May 6, 1868, and the day of St. John the Long-suffering, and therefore considered himself doomed to failure and torment. And there were grounds for such a belief. During the round-the-world trip, which Nicholas made while still a crown prince, an attempt was made on his life in Japan. The coronation of Nicholas II in May 1896 went down in history with the tragedy that happened on that day. About a million people gathered for the festive festivities organized on the occasion of the coronation at the Khodynka field in Moscow. During the distribution of gifts, a stampede began, in which about three thousand people were injured, more than a thousand of them died. Nicholas was destined to go through another shock: his long-awaited only son suffered from an incurable serious illness.
Since Nicholas never expounded his views and did not seek to make them public, he was considered a weak ruler, influenced first by his mother and then by his wife. They also said that the last word always remained with the last advisor he spoke to. In fact, the last word was left to those who shared the views of the emperor. At the same time, when determining his own positions, Nikolai was guided by only one criterion: what would his father have done in his place? Those who knew Nikolai closely believed that if he had been born in an ordinary environment, he would have lived a life full of harmony, encouraged by his superiors and respected by those around him. All memoirists unanimously note that Nikolai was an ideal family man, well-mannered, restrained in showing emotions. At the same time, he was characterized by insincerity and a certain stubbornness, even cunning. Contemporaries accused him of being a "medium-sized man" who was burdened by state affairs.
Autocracy or "people's representation"? The accession of Nicholas to the throne caused a wave of expectations in society. Many hoped that the new emperor would complete the reforms conceived by his grandfather, Alexander II, they hoped that he would undertake the restructuring of the political system. The main idea of ​​a liberal-minded society was the introduction of "people's representatives" into government bodies. That is why, after the accession to the throne of Nicholas II, numerous petitions from zemstvos began to arrive in his address, in which (in a very cautious form) they expressed hope for the implementation of “the possibility and right of public institutions to express their opinion on issues relating to them, so that up to the height of the throne could achieve the expression of the needs and thoughts of not only representatives of the administration, but also the Russian people.
But on January 17, 1895, in his first public speech, Nikolai declared that he would protect the foundations of autocracy as firmly and steadily as her "unforgettable late parent" had done. This marked the first split in the new reign between the supreme power and the liberal social forces. And the whole further political life of Russia went under the sign of the struggle for the idea of ​​"people's representation".
The struggle between conservative and liberal forces in the highest echelons of power. In the immediate environment of the emperor, there were different points of view on the prospects for the development of Russia. Finance Minister S. Yu. Witte was aware of the need for reforms in the country. He stated that "the same thing is happening in Russia now that happened in its time in the West: it is moving to the capitalist system ... This is the world's immutable law." He considered economic reforms to be of priority, and among them - reforms in the field of industrial production and finance. He believed that the industrialization of the country is not only an economic but also a political task. Its implementation would make it possible to accumulate funds for the implementation of urgent social reforms and to engage in agriculture. The result would be the gradual displacement of the nobility, the replacement of its power by the power of big capital. Representatives of big capital in the future would reform the political structure of the country in the right direction.
The main political opponent of S. Yu. Witte was the Minister of the Interior V. K. Plehve, who had a reputation as a firm defender of the “Russian foundations”. S. Yu. Witte. Plehve was convinced that Russia "had its own separate history and special system." Without denying the need for reforms in the country, he considered it impossible for these reforms to be carried out too rapidly, under pressure "from immature youth, students ... and notorious revolutionaries." In his opinion, the initiative in the matter of reforms should belong to the government.
Growing influence of the Ministry of the Interior. In his policy, V. K. Plehve relied on punitive measures: “If we are not able to change the historical course of events leading to the oscillation of the state, then we must put up obstacles for it in order to delay it, and not go with the flow, trying to be Always ahead". He began his work by strengthening the positions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Only 125 officials served in the police department, but it was only the headquarters of a whole army of police officers, filers, secret agents. In all provinces, counties, on the railways there were gendarme departments. Russian educated society treated the gendarmes with disgust. However, part of the noble youth, carried away by the halo of mystery and romance, sought to enter the service in the gendarme corps. The government made serious demands on applicants. Only a hereditary nobleman who successfully graduated from a military or cadet school and served in military service for at least six years could become a gendarme. There were other requirements: not to have debts, not to profess Catholicism, it was necessary to pass preliminary tests at the headquarters of the gendarme corps, attend four-month courses in St. Petersburg and successfully pass the final exam.
V. K. Plehve paid special attention to expanding the network of departments for the protection of order and public security, which were popularly called “Okhranok”. So later they began to call the entire secret police. Surveillance agents - filers - according to the instructions were supposed to be "with strong legs, with good eyesight, hearing and memory, with such an appearance that would make it possible not to stand out from the crowd."
V. K. Plehve considered the opening of letters to be one of the most effective methods of detective work. To intercept letters, there were technical means that made it possible to discreetly open and copy the message, forge any seal, develop sympathetic ink, decipher the cryptography, etc. The Minister of the Interior was aware of private correspondence and foreign diplomatic representatives. Only two people in the empire - the king and the minister of the interior - could be calm about their correspondence.
"Zubatovsky socialism". At the same time, an attempt was made to take control of the labor movement. This idea belonged to the head of the Moscow security department, Colonel S. V. Zubatov.
The idea of ​​S. V. Zubatov was to wrest the workers from the influence of anti-government organizations. To do this, he considered it necessary to instill in them the idea that the interests of state power do not coincide with the narrowly selfish interests of entrepreneurs, and that workers can improve their financial situation only in alliance with the authorities. On the initiative of S. V. Zubatov and with the support of the Governor-General of Moscow, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich in 1901 - 1902. in Moscow, and then in other cities, legal workers' organizations were created, built on a professional basis.
But for the success of Zubatov's idea, the authorities had to do something real for the workers. The state, however, limited its "protective" policy by the law "On the establishment of elders in factory enterprises" (June 1903). The workers could elect from their midst a headman who monitored the fulfillment by the employer of the conditions of employment. Zubatov's theory did not forbid workers to participate in economic strikes, therefore, in the sweeping in 1902 - 1903. members of the Zubatov organizations took an active part in a wide strike wave. This angered the manufacturers. Complaints about "risky experiments" poured into the government. SV Zubatov was dismissed.
Plehve was also distrustful of Zubatov's initiative. He considered the tactic of destroying revolutionary organizations from within by introducing police agents into them more effective. One of the greatest successes was the introduction of secret police agent E. Azef into the leading core of the largest terrorist organization. However, this did not save V.K. Plehve himself. In 1904 he was killed.
The short "spring" of P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky. Meanwhile, the situation in the country remained difficult. Worker and peasant uprisings, student unrest did not stop, Zemstvo liberals showed perseverance, the army was defeated in the war with Japan (it will be discussed in § 5). All this brought Russia to the brink of a revolutionary explosion. Under these conditions, when appointed to the key post of Minister of the Interior, the tsar's choice fell on the Vilna governor, Prince P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky, known for his liberal sentiments.
In his first public speech in September 1904, the new minister spoke of trust between the government and society as a decisive condition for state policy.
Proclaiming a policy of cooperation between the authorities and the zemstvos, Svyatopolk-Mirsky understood that the zemstvos were the only legal organizations in Russia. He believed that through an alliance with the zemstvo leadership, it was possible to expand and strengthen the socio-political support of power.
In November 1904, Svyatopolk-Mirsky handed the tsar a note in which he listed priority measures in the field of state reorganization. He proposed to include in the composition of the State Council a certain number of elected representatives from zemstvos and city dumas. It was necessary to significantly expand the circle of voters in the zemstvo and city governments, as well as to form volost zemstvos. He intended to extend the zemstvos throughout the empire. Svyatopolk-Mirsky also tried to resolve other issues: to create conditions for bringing the peasants closer in property rights with other classes, to expand the rights of the Old Believers, to issue a law on the rights of the Jewish population, etc.
In early December 1904, Nicholas II gathered the highest state dignitaries and grand dukes to discuss the program of Svyatopolk-Mirsky. The result was an imperial decree of December 12, 1904, promising some changes. However, the decree did not mention popular representation. Moreover, it was emphasized that all reforms must be carried out while maintaining the autocracy in an unshakable form. The resignation of Svyatopolk-Mirsky was a foregone conclusion.
National Policy. Nicholas II continued the course of his father in the national question. The process of modernization of the country required uniformity in the administrative, legal and social structure of all the territories of Russia, the introduction of a single language and educational standards. However, this objective tendency often took the form of Russification.
The problem of unification affected Finland most seriously. In 1899, a manifesto was issued that gave the emperor the right to legislate for Finland without the consent of the Diet. In 1901, the national military units were disbanded, and the Finns were to serve in the Russian army. Office work in public institutions in Finland was to be conducted only in Russian. The Saeima of Finland refused to approve these laws, and Finnish officials boycotted them. In 1903, the Governor-General of Finland was given emergency powers. This significantly aggravated the political situation in the region. The Finnish territory turned into a base for revolutionary groups, where terrorists prepared their assassination attempts, and where revolutionaries and liberals held congresses and conferences.
The Jewish population, who lived in the so-called Pale of Settlement (western provinces of Russia), also experienced national oppression. Only Jews who had converted to the Orthodox faith and had a higher education, or merchants of the first guild and their clerks, were allowed to live in other places. Not being able to show their knowledge and talent on public service, Jewish youth actively joined the ranks of revolutionary organizations, often holding leading positions in them. At the same time, there was a significant increase in the economic influence of Jewish capital in the country. All this caused an increase in anti-Semitic, anti-Jewish sentiments, which often led to pogroms. The first major Jewish pogrom took place in April 1903 in Chisinau. During it, about 500 people were injured, 700 residential buildings and 600 shops were destroyed. At the end of August 1903 bloody events took place in Gomel. The authorities responded with sluggish lawsuits and a decree on the opening of about 150 more cities and towns for Jewish settlement.
It was also restless in the Caucasus. In 1903 there were unrest among the Armenian population. They were provoked by a decree transferring the property of the Armenian Gregorian Church to the authorities. The fact is that the Armenian Church enjoyed a certain independence and existed solely at the expense of donations from parishioners. Church property was managed by persons appointed by the Armenian Patriarch (Catholicos). At the same time, the church received large incomes, part of which, according to the police, was used to support the Armenian national revolutionary organizations. The Armenian population perceived this decree as an encroachment on national values ​​and religious traditions. During the inventory of church and monastery property, clashes broke out, often ending in bloody battles.
The government of Nicholas II continued the policy of settling the national outskirts with the Russian population. By the beginning of the XX century. Russians lived here mainly in the cities and made up a significant part of the industrial workers. So, Russian population prevailed in the cities of Belarus, Left-bank Ukraine, Novorossia (Black Sea region). workers in large industrial centers Caucasus - Baku, Tiflis, etc. were also mostly Russian. The exceptions were Finland, Poland and the Baltic provinces, where the composition of the population was more homogeneous, and a sufficiently high level of economic development led to the formation of a national proletariat.
Thus, the domestic policy of Nicholas II was a direct continuation of the previous reign and did not meet the mood of the majority of Russian society, which was waiting for decisive reforms from the new tsar.
DOCUMENT
L. N. TOLSTOY ON THE POLITICAL REGIME OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE IN THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY FROM THE LETTER OF L. N. TOLSTOY TO NICHOLAS II (1902)
A third of Russia is in a position of enhanced protection, that is, outside the law. The army of police officers - overt and covert - is increasing. Prisons, places of exile and penal servitude are overcrowded, over hundreds of thousands of criminal, political ones, to which the workers are now included. Censorship has gone to absurdities in prohibition, to which it did not reach in the worst times of the 1940s. Religious persecutions have never been so frequent and cruel as they are now, and they are becoming more and more cruel. Troops are concentrated everywhere in the cities and factory centers and are sent out with live ammunition against the people. In many places there have already been fratricidal bloodsheds and everywhere new and even more cruel ones are being prepared and will inevitably be.
And as a result of all this intense and cruel activity of the government, the agricultural people - those 100 million on which the power of Russia is based - despite the exorbitantly increasing state budget, or rather as a result of this increase, are impoverished every year, so that hunger has become normal. phenomenon. And the same phenomenon was the general dissatisfaction with the government of all classes and a hostile attitude towards it. And the reason for all this, obviously clear, is one: that your helpers assure you that by stopping every movement of life among the people, they ensure the well-being of this people and your peace and security. But after all, it is more likely to stop the flow of a river than the everlasting forward movement of mankind established by God.
QUESTIONS AND TASKS:
1. Describe your personal qualities and Political Views Nicholas II. Why was the personality of the monarch of great importance in Russia? 2. What points of view on the prospects for the development of the country existed during this period in Russian society and government? (Use the document when answering) 3. What was the main goal of Zubatov's experiment? Why did Zubatov's plans fail? 4. Why do you think the reign of P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky was called by contemporaries “spring” or “era of trust” and why it turned out to be so fleeting? 5. Some politicians called tsarist Russia a "prison of peoples." Is it possible to agree with such a statement? Justify your answer.
Expanding vocabulary:
RUSSIFICATION- dissemination among the local population attached to Russian state lands of the Russian language, culture, economic structure, Orthodox faith.
UNIFICATION- reduction to a single sample.

Titled from birth His Imperial Highness Grand Duke Nikolai Alexandrovich. After the death of his grandfather, Emperor Alexander II, in 1881 he received the title of Tsarevich's heir.

... neither the figure nor the ability to speak the king did not touch the soldier's soul and did not make the impression that is necessary to raise the spirit and strongly attract hearts to himself. He did what he could, and one cannot blame him in this case, but he did not cause good results in the sense of inspiration.

Childhood, education and upbringing

Nikolai was educated at home as part of a large gymnasium course and in the 1890s, according to a specially written program that connected the course of the state and economic departments of the law faculty of the university with the course of the Academy of the General Staff.

The upbringing and training of the future emperor took place under the personal guidance of Alexander III on a traditional religious basis. Training sessions Nicholas II were conducted according to a carefully designed program for 13 years. The first eight years were devoted to the subjects of the extended gymnasium course. Particular attention was paid to the study of political history, Russian literature, English, German and French, which Nikolai Alexandrovich mastered to perfection. The next five years were devoted to the study of military affairs, the legal and economic sciences necessary for a statesman. Lectures were given by outstanding Russian scientists-academicians of world renown: N. N. Beketov, N. N. Obruchev, Ts. A. Cui, M. I. Dragomirov, N. Kh. Bunge, K. P. Pobedonostsev and others. I. L. Yanyshev taught the crown prince canon law in connection with the history of the church, the main departments of theology and the history of religion.

Emperor Nicholas II and Empress Alexandra Feodorovna. 1896

For the first two years, Nikolai served as a junior officer in the ranks of the Preobrazhensky Regiment. For two summer seasons, he served in the ranks of the cavalry hussars as a squadron commander, and then camped in the ranks of the artillery. On August 6, he was promoted to colonel. At the same time, his father introduces him to the affairs of the country, inviting him to participate in meetings of the State Council and the Cabinet of Ministers. At the suggestion of the Minister of Railways S. Yu. Witte, in 1892 Nikolai was appointed chairman of the committee for the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway to gain experience in public affairs. By the age of 23, Nikolai Romanov was a widely educated person.

The emperor's education program included travels to various provinces of Russia, which he made with his father. To complete his education, his father gave him a cruiser to travel to the Far East. For nine months, he and his retinue visited Austria-Hungary, Greece, Egypt, India, China, Japan, and later returned by land through all of Siberia to the capital of Russia. In Japan, an assassination attempt was made on Nicholas (see the Otsu Incident). The blood-stained shirt is kept in the Hermitage.

He combined education with deep religiosity and mysticism. “The sovereign, like his ancestor, Alexander I, was always mystical,” recalled Anna Vyrubova.

The ideal ruler for Nicholas II was Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich the Quietest.

Lifestyle, habits

Tsesarevich Nikolai Alexandrovich Mountain landscape. 1886 Watercolor on paper Caption on the drawing: “Niki. 1886. July 22 "The drawing is pasted on a passe-partout

Most of the time, Nicholas II lived with his family in the Alexander Palace. In the summer, he rested in the Crimea in the Livadia Palace. For recreation, he also annually made two-week trips around the Gulf of Finland and the Baltic Sea on the Shtandart yacht. He read both light entertainment literature and serious scientific works, often on historical topics. He smoked cigarettes, the tobacco for which was grown in Turkey and was sent to him as a gift from the Turkish Sultan. Nicholas II was fond of photography, he also liked to watch movies. All of his children were also photographed. Nikolai began to keep a diary from the age of 9. The archive contains 50 voluminous notebooks - the original diary for 1882-1918. Some of them have been published.

Nicholas and Alexandra

The first meeting of the Tsarevich with his future wife took place in 1884, and in 1889 Nikolai asked his father for his blessing to marry her, but was refused.

All correspondence between Alexandra Feodorovna and Nicholas II has been preserved. Only one letter from Alexandra Feodorovna has been lost; all her letters are numbered by the Empress herself.

Contemporaries assessed the empress differently.

The empress was infinitely kind and infinitely compassionate. It was these properties of her nature that were the motives in the phenomena that gave rise to people who intrigued, people without conscience and hearts, people blinded by a thirst for power, to unite among themselves and use these phenomena in the eyes of the dark masses and the idle and narcissistic part of the intelligentsia greedy for sensations to discredit Royal Family for their dark and selfish purposes. The empress was attached with all her soul to people who really suffered or skillfully played out their suffering in front of her. She herself suffered too much in life, both as a conscious person - for her homeland oppressed by Germany, and as a mother - for her passionately and infinitely beloved son. Therefore, she could not help being too blind to other people who approached her, who were also suffering or seemed to be suffering ... ... The Empress, of course, sincerely and strongly loved Russia, just like the Sovereign loved her.

Coronation

Accession to the throne and beginning of reign

Letter from Emperor Nicholas II to Empress Maria Feodorovna. January 14, 1906 Autograph. "Trepov is an indispensable secretary for me, a kind of secretary. He is experienced, smart and cautious in advice. I give him thick notes from Witte to read and then he reports them to me quickly and clearly. This is of course a secret from everyone!"

The coronation of Nicholas II took place on May 14 (26) of the year (for the victims of the coronation celebrations in Moscow, see Khodynka). In the same year, the All-Russian Industrial and Art Exhibition was held in Nizhny Novgorod, which he attended. In 1896, Nicholas II also made a big trip to Europe, meeting with Franz Joseph, Wilhelm II, Queen Victoria (Alexandra Feodorovna's grandmother). The trip ended with the arrival of Nicholas II in Paris, the capital of allied France. One of the first personnel decisions of Nicholas II was the dismissal of I. V. Gurko from the post of Governor-General of the Kingdom of Poland and the appointment of A. B. Lobanov-Rostovsky to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs after the death of N. K. Girs. The first of Nicholas II's major international actions was the Triple Intervention.

Economic policy

In 1900, Nicholas II sent Russian troops to suppress the Ihetuan uprising together with the troops of other European powers, Japan and the United States.

The revolutionary newspaper Osvobozhdenie, published abroad, made no secret of its misgivings: If the Russian troops defeat the Japanese... then freedom will be calmly strangled to the cries of cheers and the bell ringing of the triumphant Empire» .

The difficult situation of the tsarist government after the Russo-Japanese War prompted German diplomacy to make another attempt in July 1905 to tear Russia away from France and conclude a Russian-German alliance. Wilhelm II invited Nicholas II to meet in July 1905 in the Finnish skerries, near the island of Björke. Nikolay agreed, and at the meeting he signed the contract. But when he returned to St. Petersburg, he refused it, since peace with Japan had already been signed.

The American researcher of the era T. Dennett wrote in 1925:

Few people now believe that Japan was deprived of the fruits of the upcoming victories. The opposite opinion prevails. Many believe that Japan was already exhausted by the end of May and that only the conclusion of peace saved her from collapse or total defeat in a clash with Russia.

Defeat in the Russo-Japanese War (the first in half a century) and the subsequent brutal suppression of the revolution of 1905-1907. (subsequently aggravated by the appearance at the court of Rasputin) led to a fall in the authority of the emperor in the circles of the intelligentsia and the nobility, so much so that even among the monarchists there were ideas about replacing Nicholas II with another Romanov.

The German journalist G. Ganz, who lived in St. Petersburg during the war, noted a different position of the nobility and intelligentsia in relation to the war: “ The common secret prayer not only of liberals, but also of many moderate conservatives at that time was: "God help us to be broken."» .

Revolution of 1905-1907

With the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War, Nicholas II tried to unite society against an external enemy, making significant concessions to the opposition. So after the murder of the Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. On December 12, 1904, a decree was issued "On plans for the improvement of the state order", promising the expansion of the rights of zemstvos, insurance of workers, the emancipation of foreigners and non-believers, and the elimination of censorship. At the same time, the sovereign declared: “I will never, in any case, agree to a representative form of government, for I consider it harmful to the people entrusted to me by God.”

... Russia has outgrown the form of the existing system. It is striving for a legal system based on civil freedom... It is very important to reform the State Council on the basis of the prominent participation of an elected element in it...

The opposition parties took advantage of the expansion of freedoms to intensify attacks on the tsarist government. On January 9, 1905, a large workers' demonstration took place in St. Petersburg, turning to the tsar with political and socio-economic demands. Demonstrators clashed with troops, resulting in big number dead. These events became known as Bloody Sunday, the victims of which, according to V. Nevsky, were no more than 100-200 people. A wave of strikes swept across the country, the national outskirts were agitated. In Courland, the Forest Brothers began to massacre local German landowners, and the Armenian-Tatar massacre began in the Caucasus. Revolutionaries and separatists received support in money and weapons from England and Japan. So, in the summer of 1905, the English steamer John Grafton, which had run aground, carrying several thousand rifles for Finnish separatists and revolutionary militants, was detained in the Baltic Sea. There were several uprisings in the fleet and in various cities. The largest was the December uprising in Moscow. At the same time, the Socialist-Revolutionary and anarchist individual terror gained a large scope. In just a couple of years, thousands of officials, officers and policemen were killed by revolutionaries - in 1906 alone, 768 were killed and 820 representatives and agents of power were wounded.

The second half of 1905 was marked by numerous unrest in universities and even in theological seminaries: almost 50 secondary theological educational institutions were closed because of the riots. The adoption on August 27 of a provisional law on the autonomy of universities caused a general strike of students and stirred up teachers at universities and theological academies.

The ideas of the highest dignitaries about the current situation and ways out of the crisis were clearly manifested during four secret meetings under the leadership of the emperor, held in 1905-1906. Nicholas II was forced to liberalize, moving to constitutional rule, while suppressing armed uprisings. From a letter from Nicholas II to Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna dated October 19, 1905:

Another way is the granting of civil rights to the population - freedom of speech, press, assembly and unions and inviolability of the person;…. Witte ardently defended this path, saying that although it is risky, it is nevertheless the only one at the moment ...

On August 6, 1905, the manifesto on the establishment of the State Duma, the law on the State Duma, and the regulation on elections to the Duma were published. But the revolution, which was gaining strength, easily stepped over the acts of August 6, in October an all-Russian political strike began, more than 2 million people went on strike. On the evening of October 17, Nikolai signed a manifesto promising: “1. To grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of real inviolability of the person, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and associations. On April 23, 1906, the Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire were approved.

Three weeks after the manifesto, the government granted amnesty to political prisoners, except for those convicted of terrorism, and a little over a month later lifted prior censorship.

From a letter from Nicholas II to Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna on October 27:

The people were indignant at the arrogance and audacity of the revolutionaries and socialists ... hence the Jewish pogroms. It is amazing with what unanimity and at once this happened in all the cities of Russia and Siberia. In England, of course, they write that these riots were organized by the police, as always - an old, familiar fable! .. The cases in Tomsk, Simferopol, Tver and Odessa clearly showed how far a furious crowd can go when it surrounded houses in which revolutionaries locked themselves in, and set fire to them, killing anyone who came out.

During the revolution, in 1906, Konstantin Balmont wrote the poem "Our Tsar", dedicated to Nicholas II, which turned out to be prophetic:

Our king is Mukden, our king is Tsushima,
Our king is a bloodstain
The stench of gunpowder and smoke
In which the mind is dark. Our king is blind squalor,
Prison and whip, jurisdiction, execution,
The king is a hangman, the lower is twice,
What he promised, but did not dare to give. He's a coward, he feels stuttering
But it will be, the hour of reckoning awaits.
Who began to reign - Khodynka,
He will finish - standing on the scaffold.

Decade between two revolutions

On August 18 (31), 1907, an agreement was signed with Great Britain on the delimitation of spheres of influence in China, Afghanistan and Iran. This was an important step in the formation of the Entente. On June 17, 1910, after lengthy disputes, a law was passed that limited the rights of the Seimas of the Grand Duchy of Finland (see Russification of Finland). In 1912, Mongolia became a de facto protectorate of Russia, having gained independence from China as a result of the revolution that took place there.

Nicholas II and P. A. Stolypin

The first two State Dumas were unable to conduct regular legislative work - the contradictions between the deputies on the one hand, and the Duma with the emperor on the other - were insurmountable. So, immediately after the opening, in a response address to the throne speech of Nicholas II, the Duma members demanded the liquidation of the State Council (the upper house of parliament), the transfer of appanage (private possessions of the Romanovs), monastic and state lands to the peasants.

Military reform

Diary of Emperor Nicholas II for 1912-1913.

Nicholas II and the Church

The beginning of the 20th century was marked by a movement for reforms, during which the church sought to restore the canonical conciliar structure, there was even talk of convening a council and establishing a patriarchate, there were attempts to restore the autocephaly of the Georgian Church in the year.

Nicholas agreed with the idea of ​​an “All-Russian Church Council”, but changed his mind and on March 31, at the report of the Holy Synod on the convening of the council, he wrote: “ I acknowledge that it is impossible to...”and established a Special (pre-Council) Presence in the city to resolve issues of church reform and a Pre-Council Meeting in the city of

An analysis of the most famous canonizations of that period - Seraphim of Sarov (), Patriarch Hermogenes (1913) and John Maksimovich (-) allows us to trace the process of a growing and deepening crisis in relations between church and state. Under Nicholas II were canonized:

4 days after the abdication of Nicholas, the Synod published a message with the support of the Provisional Government.

Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod N. D. Zhevakhov recalled:

Our Tsar was one of the greatest ascetics of the Church of recent times, whose exploits were obscured only by his high rank of Monarch. Standing on the last rung of the ladder of human glory, the Sovereign saw above him only the sky, towards which his holy soul was irresistibly striving...

World War I

Along with the creation of special conferences, military-industrial committees began to emerge in 1915 - public organizations of the bourgeoisie, which bore a semi-oppositional character.

Emperor Nicholas II and commanders of the fronts at a meeting of the Headquarters.

After such heavy defeats of the army, Nicholas II, not considering it possible for himself to remain aloof from hostilities and considering it necessary to assume full responsibility for the position of the army in these difficult conditions, to establish the necessary agreement between the Headquarters and governments, to put an end to the disastrous isolation of power, standing at the head of the army, from the authorities governing the country, on August 23, 1915, he assumed the title of Supreme Commander-in-Chief. At the same time, some members of the government, the high army command and public circles opposed this decision of the emperor.

Due to the constant relocations of Nicholas II from Headquarters to St. Petersburg, as well as insufficient knowledge of the issues of leadership of the troops, the command of the Russian army was concentrated in the hands of his chief of staff, General M.V. Alekseev and General V.I. Gurko, who replaced him in late and early 1917. autumn call In 1916, he put 13 million people under arms, and the losses in the war exceeded 2 million.

In 1916, Nicholas II replaced four chairmen of the Council of Ministers (I. L. Goremykin, B. V. Shturmer, A. F. Trepov and Prince N. D. Golitsyn), four ministers of the interior (A. N. Khvostov, B. V. Shtyurmer, A. A. Khvostov and A. D. Protopopov), three Ministers of Foreign Affairs (S. D. Sazonov, B. V. Shtyurmer and Pokrovsky, N. N. Pokrovsky), two Ministers of War (A. A. Polivanov, D.S. Shuvaev) and three Ministers of Justice (A.A. Khvostov, A.A. Makarov and N.A. Dobrovolsky).

Probing the world

Nicholas II, hoping for an improvement in the situation in the country in the event of the success of the spring offensive of 1917 (which was agreed upon at the Petrograd Conference), was not going to conclude a separate peace with the enemy - he saw the most important means of consolidating the throne in the victorious end of the war. Hints that Russia might start negotiations on a separate peace were a normal diplomatic game, forced the Entente to recognize the need to establish Russian control over the Mediterranean straits.

February Revolution of 1917

The war struck the system of economic ties - primarily between the city and the countryside. Famine began in the country. The authorities were discredited by a chain of scandals such as the intrigues of Rasputin and his entourage, as the “dark forces” then called them. But it was not the war that gave rise to the agrarian question in Russia, the sharpest social contradictions, conflicts between the bourgeoisie and tsarism and within the ruling camp. Nicholas' adherence to the idea of ​​unlimited autocratic power narrowed to the limit the possibility of social maneuvering, knocked out the support of Nicholas's power.

After the stabilization of the situation at the front in the summer of 1916, the Duma opposition, in alliance with conspirators among the generals, decided to take advantage of the situation to overthrow Nicholas II and replace him with another tsar. The leader of the Cadets P. N. Milyukov subsequently wrote in December 1917:

You know that we took a firm decision to use the war to carry out the coup shortly after the outbreak of this war. Note also that we could not wait any longer, for we knew that at the end of April or the beginning of May our army was to go on the offensive, the results of which would immediately completely stop all hints of discontent and would cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country.

From February it was clear that Nikolai's abdication could take place any day, the date was February 12-13, it was said that there would be a "great act" - the abdication of the sovereign emperor from the throne in favor of the heir to Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich, that Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich would be regent.

On February 23, 1917, a strike began in Petrograd, after 3 days it became general. On the morning of February 27, 1917, there was an uprising of soldiers in Petrograd and their connection with the strikers. A similar uprising took place in Moscow. The queen, who did not understand what was happening, wrote soothing letters on February 25

The queues and strikes in the city are more than provocative... This is a "hooligan" movement, young men and women run around screaming that they have no bread, and the workers do not let others work. It would be very cold, they would probably stay at home. But all this will pass and calm down if only the Duma behaves decently.

On February 25, 1917, by the manifesto of Nicholas II, the meetings of the State Duma were stopped, which further inflamed the situation. Chairman of the State Duma M. V. Rodzianko sent a number of telegrams to Emperor Nicholas II about the events in Petrograd. This telegram was received at Headquarters on February 26, 1917 at 22:00. 40 min.

I most humbly convey to Your Majesty that the popular unrest that began in Petrograd is assuming a spontaneous character and menacing proportions. Their foundations are the lack of baked bread and the weak supply of flour, which inspires panic, but mainly a complete distrust of the authorities, unable to lead the country out of a difficult situation.

The civil war has begun and is flaring up. ... There is no hope for the troops of the garrison. The reserve battalions of the guards regiments are in mutiny ... Order, in the repeal of your royal decree, to convene again the legislative chambers ... If the movement is transferred to the army ... the collapse of Russia, and with it the dynasty, is inevitable.

Renunciation, exile and execution

Abdication of the throne of Emperor Nicholas II. March 2, 1917 Typescript. 35 x 22. In the lower right corner, the signature of Nicholas II in pencil: Nicholas; in the lower left corner, in black ink over a pencil, a confirmation inscription by the hand of V. B. Frederiks: Minister of the Imperial Court, Adjutant General Count Fredericks."

After the start of unrest in the capital, the tsar on the morning of February 26, 1917 ordered General S. S. Khabalov "to stop the unrest, unacceptable in the difficult time of the war." On February 27, sending General N. I. Ivanov to Petrograd

to suppress the uprising, Nicholas II departed for Tsarskoe Selo on the evening of February 28, but could not pass and, having lost contact with Headquarters, arrived in Pskov on March 1, where the headquarters of the armies of the Northern Front, General N.V. about the abdication in favor of his son under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, in the evening of the same day he announced to the arrivals A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin about the decision to abdicate for his son. On March 2, at 11:40 p.m., he handed Guchkov a Manifesto of Abdication, in which he wrote: We command our brother to manage the affairs of the state in complete and indestructible unity with the representatives of the people».

The personal property of the Romanov family was looted.

After death

Glory to the saints

Decision of the Council of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church of August 20, 2000: “To glorify as passion-bearers in the host of new martyrs and confessors of Russia the Royal Family: Emperor Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra, Tsarevich Alexy, Grand Duchesses Olga, Tatiana, Maria and Anastasia.” .

The act of canonization was perceived by Russian society ambiguously: opponents of canonization argue that the reckoning of Nicholas II to the saints is political in nature. .

Rehabilitation

Philatelic collection of Nicholas II

In some memoir sources there is evidence that Nicholas II “sinned with postage stamps”, although this passion was not as strong as photography. On February 21, 1913, at a celebration in the Winter Palace in honor of the anniversary of the Romanov dynasty, the head of the Main Directorate of Posts and Telegraphs, Acting State Councilor M. P. Sevastyanov, presented Nicholas II with morocco-bound albums with test proof prints and essays of stamps from a commemorative series published for 300 anniversary of the Romanov dynasty. It was a collection of materials related to the preparation of the series, which was carried out for almost ten years - from 1912 to 1912. Nicholas II greatly valued this gift. It is known that this collection accompanied him among the most valuable family relics in exile, first in Tobolsk, and then in Yekaterinburg, and was with him until his death.

After the death of the royal family, the most valuable part of the collection was stolen, and the surviving half was sold to a certain officer of the English army, who was in Siberia as part of the Entente troops. He then took her to Riga. Here, this part of the collection was acquired by the philatelist Georg Jaeger, who in 1926 put it up for sale at an auction in New York. In 1930, it was again put up for auction in London, - the famous collector of Russian stamps Goss became its owner. Obviously, it was Goss who pretty much replenished it by buying missing materials at auctions and from private individuals. The 1958 auction catalog described the Goss collection as "a magnificent and unique collection of samples, prints and essays ... from the collection of Nicholas II."

By order of Nicholas II, the Female Alekseevskaya Gymnasium was founded in the city of Bobruisk, now the Slavic Gymnasium

see also

• Family of Nicholas II

fiction:

• E. Radzinsky. Nicholas II: life and death.
• R. Massey. Nicholas and Alexandra.

Illustrations

Portrait of Emperor Nicholas II by Ernst Lipgart. 1896	Portrait of Nicholas II by Ilya Galkin. 1898.
The king on a gold five-ruble coin. 1899.	Diary of Emperor Nicholas II for 1895-1896.