Study of involuntary memorization and the conditions for its productivity. Involuntary memorization is a memorization process that occurs against the background of activities aimed at solving non-nemic problems.

Involuntary memorization is a product and condition of cognitive and practical actions. First of all, a necessary condition for involuntary memorization is an action with an object. For the productivity of involuntary memorization, the place that this material occupies in the activity is important.

If it is included in the content of the main goal of the activity, then memorization is better than when it is included in the conditions, ways to achieve this goal. The material that takes the place of the main goal in the activity is remembered the better, the more meaningful connections are established in it. Let's conduct an experiment on the study of involuntary memorization. The purpose of the experiment is to reveal the dependence of the productivity of involuntary memorization on the nature of human activity. Research methodology Two group experiments are carried out - classification of images and compilation of a number series. The experiment involved 15 people 1. Elena, 36 years old, economist 2. Galina Alexandrovna, 68 years old, pensioner 3. Valentina, 31 years old, housewife 4. Roman Valerievich, 40 years old, lawyer 5. Oksana, 25 years old, accountant 6. Irina, 28 years old, accountant 7. Lyudmila Vasilievna, 63 years old, pensioner 8. Valery Tikhonovich, 66 years old, working pensioner 9. Nina Efimovna, 53 years old, economist 10. Nadezhda, 20 years old, student 11. Ekaterina, 22 years old, student 12. Irina, 24 years old, Russian language teacher 13. Irina, 28 years old, housewife 14. Pavel, 27 years old, lawyer 15. Yuri Fedorovich, 63 years old, pensioner

Experience 1. Classification of the depicted objects.

Experimental material 15 cards, each of which depicts one object. 15 items are easily classified animals, fruits, things. In addition to the image of the item, each card has a two-digit number written in the upper right corner.

Experience procedure. Before the start of the experiment, the cards are placed on the shield in random order and covered with a sheet of paper. The subjects are given the following group instruction. You will be given an experiment that tests the ability to classify objects according to their common features. Your task is to classify all the pictures into groups and write them down in that order, putting the name of each group at the beginning.

Those who complete the work before the end of the experiment must supplement the selected groups with objects belonging to the same classes. After the end of the experiment, its participants are offered to reproduce from memory in any order, first the objects depicted on the cards, and then the numbers. Course of the experiment Adults participate in our experiment. We will divide all the subjects into four subgroups 1. working 8 people. 2. housewives 2 pers. 3. pensioners 3 pers. 4. students 2 pers. The experiment was carried out at home.

There were no refusals to participate in the experiment. We took 15 cards with the image on them Animals Bear 13 Cat 25 Tiger 37 Snake 49 Turtle 13 Fruits Apple 10 Orange 22 Pear 34 Kiwi 46 Pineapple 58 Things Robe 14 Jacket 18 T-shirt 16 Hat 12 Trousers 20 During the experiment, the following data were obtained - Elena, 36 years old, economist reproduced correctly 12 objects, 2 numbers - Galina Alexandrovna, 68 years old, pensioner, reproduced 10 objects and 0 numbers - Valentina, 31 years old, housewife 12 objects and 1 number - Roman Valerievich, 40 years old, lawyer 11 objects and 0 numbers - Oksana, 25 years old, accountant 13 items, 3 numbers - Irina, 28 years old, accountant 12 items, 1 number - Lyudmila Vasilievna, 63 years old, pensioner 11 items, 1 number - Valery Tikhonovich, 66 years old, working pensioner 11 subjects, 0 numbers - Nina Efimovna, 53 years old, economist 13 subjects, 2 numbers - Nadezhda, 20 years old, student 14 subjects, 3 numbers - Ekaterina, 22 years old, student 15 subjects, 4 numbers - Irina, 24 years old, teacher of the Russian language 14 items, 3 numbers - Irina, 2 8 years old, housewife 12 items, 2 numbers - Pavel, 27 years old, lawyer 14 items, 1 number - Yuriy Fedorovich, 63 years old, pensioner 8 items, 0 numbers Experience 2. Restoration of the number series. The experimental material is the same as in experiment 1, but as soon as we changed the cards to others, the same group of subjects participates.

Experience procedure.

The cards are placed on the board so that the numbers on them do not form a natural row. The subjects are asked to draw on their sheet of paper a grid of 15 cells, 3 rows of 5. Their task is to arrange all the numbers on the cards strictly in numerical order, so that the smallest is placed in the left cell of the top row, and the largest in the right cell of the bottom row . Mistakenly written numbers should be crossed out and the correct number should be written there.

Those who completed the work before the end of the experiment should draw another table in their notebook and enter everything in it first. even numbers, and then all the odd ones. Next, you should reproduce first the numbers, and then the name of the objects.

5 minutes were allotted for the first and second experiments. During this period of time, none of the subjects completed the work earlier, so no one did the additional task. During the second experiment, the following data were obtained In the subgroup of pensioners 1. Galina Alexandrovna, 66 years old, 9 numbers, 1 subject were reproduced 2. Lyudmila Vasilievna, 63 years old 8 numbers, 2 subjects 3. Yuriy Fedorovich, 63 years old 7 numbers, 1 subject A group of students 1. Nadezhda, 20 years old 14 numbers, 4 subjects 2. Ekaterina, 22 years old 13 numbers, 5 subjects Group of workers 1. Elena, 36 years old 12 numbers, 4 subjects 2. Roman Valerievich, 40 years old 11 numbers, 3 subjects 3. Oksana , 25 years old 10 numbers, 5 subjects 4. Irina, 28 years old 11 numbers, 3 subjects 5. Valery Tikhonovich, 66 years old 9 numbers, 2 subjects 6. Nina Efimovna, 53 years old 11 numbers, 3 subjects 7. Irina, 24 years old 13 numbers, 6 objects 8. Pavel, 27 years old 11 numbers, 3 objects Group of housewives 1. Valentina, 31 years old 11 numbers, 2 objects 2. Irina, 28 years old 12 numbers, 0 objects Processing of results 1. Determine the average number of correctly reproduced objects and numbers in both experiments for a group of subjects.

The results of the obtained data will be entered in Table 1. Table 1 The results of the obtained data on the study of involuntary memorization.

The task of an object of memorizing testing work by a malevoor of the subject of the subject12,5101214.5 mail1.310, 251.53,53,53,51,513,513,513,513,51,51,314.5 will be included in table 2. Table 2 and 2 of the assignment. 251.6 Compilation of a number series2.611 Analysis of results and conclusions 1. Based on the analysis of the data obtained by us in Table 2, it should be noted that the condition for the productivity of involuntary memorization is the interest of the subjects in the object of study.

So, when classifying objects, numbers were the object of involuntary attention and the average number of correct reproductions was 1.6, and when compiling a number series, objects became the object of involuntary attention.

Their average number of correct reproductions rose to 2.6. 2. According to the results of the experiment, we also found that the average number of correct reproductions of both objects and numbers is greater in the subgroup of students, the smallest in the subgroup of pensioners, which confirms our research hypothesis that the productivity of involuntary memorization depends on the nature of human activity.

Student activities are related to educational process, therefore, they have higher rates of productivity of involuntary memorization. III.

End of work -

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The dependence of involuntary memorization on the motives of activity came out clearly in our study (1939), presented in the first chapter. Preschool children memorized the content of the pictures well when, while playing, they laid out the pictures on the table in places that conditionally designated the kitchen, garden, children's room and yard. When we challenged them to memorize pictures, the results were much worse. The decrease in memorization is explained not only by the fact that the task in the latter case was different, but apparently also by the fact that the activity of preschool children was stimulated by other motives.

This dependence appeared in the studies of Istomina (1948). Such experiments were carried out with children from 3 to 7 years old. In one case, under normal laboratory conditions, a child was asked to memorize five words. Another experiment was carried out in a game situation: in the course of the game, the child had to go to the "shop" to buy and bring five items named by the experimenter, necessary for playing " Kindergarten". In the third case (1953), the experiment was carried out in the course of the children performing a practical task: arranging an exhibition of children's drawings. In the course of this work, the child was instructed to go to the head of the kindergarten and ask for five objects named by the experimenter, necessary for organizing the exhibition.

We won't touch the whole system very much interesting facts obtained in this study, and we will present only those that are directly related to the question of

dependence of memorization (in this case, arbitrary) on the motives of activity.

The experiments revealed three different levels of behavior during memorization and reproduction. In children assigned to the first level, the goal to remember-remember did not arise; they usually only accepted the outside of the assignment. The second level included children who had a goal to remember-remember, but they did nothing to achieve this goal. Finally, the children assigned to the third level not only had the goal of remembering to remember, but they tried to remember the content of the instruction by repetition or tried to recall it while transmitting it. Below, in Table. 12, data are presented on how, depending on the three situations of the experiment (under the conditions of the laboratory experiment, in the game, and when performing instructions), children of different ages were distributed according to the three described levels of behavior.

Table 12. Distribution of children of different ages according to three levels of behavior depending on three situations of experiments: laboratory experiment, game, execution of instructions. (From the research of Istomina.)

It follows from this table that the children's abilities in voluntary memorization are used unequally in different situations: the activity of the subjects in the conditions of the laboratory experiment turned out to be the least favorable, and the most favorable was the practical activity associated with the fulfillment of certain instructions.

This indicates that content motivation qualitatively restructures children's activities and creates greater opportunities for them to memorize. This restructuring is associated with changes in the productivity of memorization in children in different situations of experience (see Fig.

Rice. 11. Curves of arbitrary memorization of words by preschoolers under different conditions of motivation for their activities (from Istomina's research)

It turned out to be the least effective under laboratory conditions: the task of memorizing words in this situation was the least motivated for the children.

The most effective memorization turned out to be in conditions practical activities associated with the fulfillment of instructions by children: in this situation, the motivation for the task of remembering turned out to be the most meaningful and effective for them.

Life also at every step proves to us the dependence of memorization on the motives of activity. It is known that what is more important, more significant, more interesting for a person is involuntarily remembered better. This is the basis for many facts about the selectivity of memory, its professional characteristics, and other individual differences, which sometimes acquire a rather stable character.

But on the other hand, the same everyday practice shows other, sometimes directly opposite facts: what is important, significant, interesting is not always remembered well. Sometimes what is remembered is what seems less significant, less interesting. These seemingly contradictory facts testify to the fact that the motives of activity do not in themselves, always and under any circumstances, determine the results of memorization, but, apparently, only under certain conditions.

Apparently, this explains the conflicting data on the effect of motives on memorization obtained in many studies. foreign psychology. Some authors argue that motives do not play a significant role in memorization, that repetition is the main thing. Others note the influence of some motives and the absence of such influence from others.

The question to be studied is not so much to find out which motives influence more or less, but how the motives of activity affect the productivity of memorization, what are

psychological patterns of this influence. It is in this formulation that the question of the influence of activity motives in involuntary memorization is poorly understood.

We have seen that in foreign, especially American, psychology, the problem of motives in memory (in learning) occupies one of the central places. Much research has been devoted to it, conducted in most cases in experiments with animals. However, the main disadvantage of studying this problem is that the motives, as well as the various conditions in which their influence is manifested, are considered as separate factors in isolation from the content of the activity.

AT In our study of the role of motives in involuntary memorization, we proceeded from the fact that their influence should be considered in close connection with the content of the task performed by a person, with the goals of the activity and the methods of achieving it.

AT In the fourth chapter, we associated the high productivity of involuntary memorization of material with the implementation of a purposeful action, since under these conditions it is most reinforced by the very fact of achieving the goal. We have necessarily abstracted from the fact that the goal of any action is always prompted by a certain motive or their system. Therefore, the reinforcement associated with the achievement of the goal will necessarily be strengthened or weakened depending on the characteristics of the acting motive.

However, the influence of the motive can be different not only

in connection with its features, but also with the features of the goal of the action and the ways to achieve it, because the content of the goal itself depends on how a certain need is satisfied or any interest in

as a motive. Depending on the characteristics of the goal and motive, a certain dynamics will develop nervous processes, more or less favorable for the formation and consolidation of nerve connections in the brain. Therefore, in our study, we tried to create such an experimental situation in which it would be possible to trace not only the influence of different motives on the performance of the same task, but also the results of the influence of the same motive when performing different tasks. A specially developed research methodology was also subordinated to these goals: we took three different tasks of a cognitive nature, and their performance was motivated by two different motives.

The experimental problems we are now discussing are described by us in the fifth chapter (see pp. 209–210). The data on the performance of these tasks were used by us to elucidate the role of modes of activity in involuntary memorization. Let us briefly recall their content.

In all three tasks, we gave the subjects 15 words and asked them to come up with a new word for each given word. In the first task, the invented words had to be in some specific semantic connection with the given words (for example, “hammer - nail”). In the second task, the invented words had to denote some property, state, or action of the objects indicated in the given words (for example, “a wooden house”). Finally, in the third task, the invented words had to begin with the same letter as the given ones (for example, “pear-dove”). We called the first task inventing the words "by connections", the second - "by properties" and the third - "by the initial letter".

We included the performance of these three tasks by the subjects in variously motivated activities.

AT In one case, the subjects were told: you will invent words, and I will see if you can do it correctly, without mistakes. The motive for the activity of the subjects in this case was to test their ability to solve similar problems. The experiments were carried out immediately with two subjects, which created a certain situation of competition between them. Each of the participants in the experiment tried to demonstrate to the experimenter their skills in performing this task.

AT In another case, the performance of the same tasks was included in the game situation. The experiment was also carried out with two subjects. The subjects were told: now we will play an interesting game, I will call you 15 words one by one, and you will come up with your own word for each of my words. Whoever makes the fewest mistakes wins.

in inventing words.

Thus, six series of experiments were carried out in the study: three series consisted of three tasks for inventing words, which were performed in a situation of testing the ability of the subjects to think correctly, and three series, which made up the same three tasks for inventing words, were performed in a game situation.

In the following presentation, the motive of the activity of our subjects in a situation of testing the ability to think correctly, we will conditionally call the learning motive. The students called our experiments "classes." They treated them with great interest and usually after the experiments they asked for more "work out" with them. Moreover, many schoolchildren at the end of the experiments asked us what mark we would give them. Our experiments, especially with students of the second grade, were perceived as a kind of educational task of a testing nature.

The motive for the activity of our subjects in a game situation will be called the game motive in what follows.

All series of experiments were experiments on involuntary memorization. Both in the game and with the educational motive, our subjects invented, and did not memorize, words. Therefore, in all cases, our suggestion to recall the words was perceived by them as unexpected.

All three tasks were carried out with schoolchildren of grades II and V, and the first two with preschoolers.

The results are shown in table. 13.

In the above table, in addition to age differences, two kinds of differences in memorization are found.

Table 13

First, different tasks give different memorization results within each motive. These differences are due to the peculiarities of our tasks6. Secondly, different motives also give unequal

results within each task. These differences are due to the peculiarities of our motives.

This means that involuntary memorization is determined by the characteristics of both tasks and motives.

However, these facts also testify to the fact that the task and the motive exert their influence on involuntary memorization not in isolation from each other, but by entering into certain connections and relationships with each other. Thus, the same task is differently productive with different motives, and, conversely, the same motive is differently productive in different tasks (see Table 13).

This means that the influence of the task and motive on memorization can only be understood by revealing the nature of the relationships that develop between them in a certain human activity.

From this point of view, we will analyze the activities of our subjects.

Let us first find out the reasons for the differences in the memorization of words by students of grades II and V in the first and second tasks with educational and game motives.

Rice. 12. Curves of involuntary memorization of words by preschoolers and schoolchildren under different conditions of motivation

Why, with a learning motive, the fulfillment of the first and second tasks by schoolchildren gives better results in memorization than with a game motive (see Tables 13 and

Observations of the nature of the course of activity in various conditions of motivation allow us to answer this question.

The activity of schoolchildren in grades II and V when performing the first and second tasks under the conditions of educational motivation proceeded outwardly more calmly than in the situation of the game. It was characterized by greater composure, greater focus and concentration. In the game, however, it proceeded more excitedly, with greater exertion of forces, but not smoothly, with distractions. The subjects showed increased interest in the number of words invented faster than the partner, in the partner's mistakes, in their own successes and failures. The activity of schoolchildren often shifted, as it were, from inventing words to achieving a win. These features were manifested in the majority of schoolchildren, although they were expressed differently. Apparently, this explains the fact that in some cases the subjects also gave high memorization indices in the game.

These features of external behavior are associated with certain features of the psychological structure of the subjects' activities. In both cases, the students performed the same intellectual task - they came up with words in a certain way. But the “for the sake of what” they had to do it was different in one and the other situation. With an educational motive, inventing words, schoolchildren, as it were, practiced thinking, tested their ability to think. This kind of motive encouraged schoolchildren to direct their activity towards

the process of inventing words, on its content side. The inventing of words acquired for the subjects a meaning that was internally connected with the motive, as if following directly from it. The activity of schoolchildren in this situation was motivated by the desire to show their ability to think before the experimenter, i.e. the activity of schoolchildren increased in the same direction.

Thus, we have the right to characterize the relationship between the learning motive and the first two tasks that developed in the activities of our schoolchildren in such words as “close”, “meaningful”, “internally necessary”. By this we want to emphasize the main feature of this kind of relationship: each task has an objective content, which is determined by the peculiarity of its goal and the ways to achieve it. We speak of the relationship between motive and task as “close”, “meaningful”, “internally necessary”, when the motive gives a particularly significant meaning to the objective content of the tasks. The objective content of the task appears in the activity not as a means to achieve some other secondary goal, but is in itself significant, psychologically relevant, interesting. Such an attitude usually develops in activity with the so-called direct interest in something. This explains the fact that schoolchildren performed the first and second tasks with great interest in learning motivation. There was not a single student who did not try his best to invent words. Related to this are the features of the course of activity: the absence of distractions, greater composure and focus on the fulfillment of the task assigned to them.

It can be assumed that with such a correlation of motive and task, the most favorable dynamics of nervous processes for the formation and consolidation of connections developed in the activity of the subjects. The optimal focus in the cerebral cortex, associated with the experience of this motive, seemed to enhance the effect of reinforcement caused by the achievement of the goal. In these cases, favorable conditions were created for the awareness of the words included in the content of the task being performed, and thus for their more productive memorization.

A different relationship developed in the activities of schoolchildren between the game motive and the first two tasks. The game motive aroused in schoolchildren the desire to win. In order to win, they had to come up with words just as correctly as with the educational motive. Therefore, here, too, the consciousness of the subjects was directed to inventing words, otherwise the game could not be carried out. But inventing words in this situation occupied a slightly different place in the minds of schoolchildren. It acted for them primarily as a means to achieve a win. Therefore, the inner content side of the very process of inventing words did not have the meaning that it acquired for them with an educational motive. The task in the game, as it were, lost its own, internal content for schoolchildren, and thereby its own independent meaning. Indeed, the connection between the content of the goal - inventing words and testing your ability to think is more obvious, closer and more meaningful than between inventing words and striving to win. Additional motivation, which also took place in the game situation, is the desire to show one's skill

in front of the experimenter, acted differently than with educational motivation.

If in the first situation the schoolchildren wanted to show their ability to think, then in the game the emphasis fell more on winning and thus showing themselves more skillful than their partner.

Thus, the emerging relationship between the game motive and the task can be characterized as a relationship that is less close, less meaningful than with the learning motive. Increased interest in the results of the game distracted the students from the content side of the process of inventing words, gave rise to imbalance, excessive excitement.

Under these conditions, less favorable conditions for the formation and consolidation of nerve connections also developed. The absence of a meaningful connection between the motive and the task led to the fact that the motive acted as the main goal, and the act of inventing words itself turned into an intermediate goal or a means to achieve the goal. In this case, the neural connections formed were also reinforced, but they also experienced an inhibitory effect from the stronger excitation caused by the desire to win. With such a relation of the motive to the task, less favorable conditions were created for the awareness of the words included in the content of the task being performed, which led to a decrease in the productivity of memorization.

So, when students perform the first and second tasks, we find different relationships between the motive and the content of the task. In one case, the motive entered into closer and meaningful connections with the task, in the other

- these connections turned out to be more distant and less meaningful. The same task got

therefore for our subjects a different meaning. Thus different conditions were created for understanding the content of the task. Higher memorization rates with a learning motive are the result of more favorable conditions for the formation of neural connections and awareness of words.

Let us turn to the differences in memorization among preschoolers.

Preschoolers memorized less than schoolchildren, both with the educational motive and with the game. However, the ratio of memorization results in these two situations changed to the opposite in comparison with what we had with schoolchildren. In the first two tasks, preschoolers gave higher memorization rates with a game motive, and not with a learning motive (see Tables 13 and

How did the activities of preschoolers proceed in both situations?

Despite the fact that we gave the preschoolers 10 words instead of 15 in the experiments, their activity was often disturbed in the presence of a learning motive. At first, they willingly got down to business, but at about the 5th or 6th word, their interest dried up and their activity began to disintegrate. The motivating force of this motive turned out to be insufficient for preschool children to perform such intellectual tasks as the first and second tasks in our experiments. We did not observe this in any case among schoolchildren. The facts of the disintegration of activity cannot be explained by the difficulty of the tasks themselves. First, inventing words did not cause them insurmountable difficulties. Secondly, the performance of the same tasks in a game situation did not lead to the disintegration of activity.

The activities of preschool children in play differed significantly from their activities with a learning motive. The game motive created an acceptable meaning for them. Therefore, their activities not only did not collapse, as was the case in the first case, but proceeded with sufficient interest. This distinguished it from the activities of schoolchildren in the same game situation. The consciousness of preschool children was directed to the process of inventing words, which now acquired meaning for them in the game, and to a lesser extent to the final result of the game. This could also be observed in the outward behavior of preschool children: they showed much less interest in the successes and failures of both their own and their partner. The activity of preschool children in a game situation, by the nature of its course, rather resembled the activity of schoolchildren with an educational motive, and not a game one; she was more calm, collected and focused. The characteristic distractions that we observed among schoolchildren in play were less frequent here. The distractions that manifested themselves in preschool children during the educational motive and led to the disintegration of activity did not occur during the play motive. This similarity in outward behavior testified to the fact that inventing words acquired the same meaning in the play of preschoolers as it did in schoolchildren in their educational activities. It was not a side means to achieve a certain result, but the main goal of their activities.

Thus, the activities of preschoolers in a game situation and the activities of schoolchildren with an educational motive were similar not only in external manifestations, but also in their own way. psychological characteristics. And here we had the closest and meaningful connections between the task and the motive. These features of activity in preschoolers in

the game situation led to higher memorization rates in the game than with the educational motive.

So, the productivity of involuntary memorization is directly related to the relationship between the motive and the task in a particular activity: the closer and more meaningful these relationships are, the more productive involuntary memorization.

In experiments, we observed a similar course of activity caused by motives different in content with the same task. Inventing words for preschoolers in a game situation, and for schoolchildren with an educational motive, takes approximately the same place in their activities, although the meaning of this invention is different. It is obvious that the same relationship between the motive and the purpose of the action, which we discovered, can develop with the same motive, but with different goals and tasks.

However, not all three tasks in schoolchildren give a sharp increase in the productivity of memorization with educational motivation compared with the game: for example, in schoolchildren of the second grade, the first task gives an increase in memorization by 3.1 words, the second by 1.4, and the third only 0.1 the words; in schoolchildren of the 5th grade by 2.5, 2.0 and 0.1, respectively (see Fig.

Why, then, when schoolchildren perform the third task, the educational motive does not at all reveal its advantage over the game motive? Why is it that in the second task the advantage of the educational motive over the game motive is revealed to a somewhat lesser extent than in the first task?

The third task differed sharply from the first two in the way it was carried out. The connection of invented and given words "by the initial letter" did not require any active and meaningful thought processes from the schoolchildren. In this regard, the goal in this problem was also impoverished. It was too light and not very meaningful for the subjects. Such an impoverished task did not correspond to the content of the educational motive. Indeed, it is impossible to test one's ability to think or demonstrate this ability to the experimenter by performing this task.

Therefore, between the learning motive in our experiments and the third task, the same meaningful connections could not develop as in the performance of the first and second tasks. Usually schoolchildren started the third task with the same interest as the first two. However, after a few words invented by them, their interest in the task began to decline, their activity began to fall. In terms of their external features, their activity was in many respects similar to the activity of preschoolers with a learning motive. True, we did not observe the disintegration of activity among schoolchildren, as was the case with preschool children. The experiments were carried out to the end, but with a clearly reduced interest.

Several schoolchildren and I carried out the first and third tasks at once with a learning motive, without subsequent reproduction of words, and then asked the subjects in which case they liked to invent words more - in the first or second. Most of the children said that in the first case (the first task) they liked to invent words more: “Here you had to think, but there you just need to find a word that begins with the same letter as you said” (V grade). “I liked to come up with words at the beginning, and how then we

came up with (the third task) I liked it less, so anyone can come up with ”(Grade II).

Also, without reproducing words, we conducted several experiments on the first and third tasks with a game motive with the same schoolchildren. A subsequent conversation with the subjects about in which case they liked the game more showed us that in the game situation there were no differences in tasks for them, they liked the game "both there and there."

Thus, the third task for learning motivation was accepted by schoolchildren differently than the first and second ones. However, the reason for this attitude lies not in the peculiarities of the motive, but in the peculiarities of the task itself. The motive of an educational nature could be realized only when performing a meaningful intellectual task. The third task did not meet these requirements.

An analysis of the relation of the learning motive to the third task leads us to another very important proposition:

the nature of the relationship between motive and task depends not only on the content of the motive, but also on the content of the task.

This means that the productivity of tasks may vary depending on the nature of the motive, but the possibilities of a positive influence of the motive on increasing the productivity of involuntary memorization may either be limited or expanded depending on the content of the task itself. This means that not at the expense of any task it is possible to increase the productivity of involuntary memorization even with favorable changes in the motives of activity, but only at the expense of a meaningful task. And the more meaningful the task, the greater the opportunities open up in raising

memory productivity with favorable changes in motivation.

An analysis of differences in memorization productivity when performing different tasks with the same motive and differences in memorization when performing the same task, but under conditions of differently motivated activity, leads to the main conclusion for our study: productivity of involuntary memory is not uniquely determined by the task or motive, it is determined the relation of motive to the task, which develops in a particular activity.

Analyzing the peculiarities of the activity of schoolchildren and preschoolers with educational and play motives, we found a twofold relationship between the motive and the task.

In the activities of schoolchildren with a learning motive, and among preschoolers with a play motive, close and meaningful relationships of the motive to the task developed. The essence of this kind of meaningful relationship, as we have seen, was that the objective content of the tasks acquired a particularly significant meaning for our subjects. The content of the task acted in the activity of the subjects not as a side goal or a means to achieve some other goal, but was in itself significant, psychologically relevant, and acted as the main subject of activity.

For schoolchildren, with a game motive, inventing words was not the main content of their activity, it acted rather as a means of achieving a win. The task in the game, as it were, lost its own content for schoolchildren, and thereby

its own meaning. Therefore, we characterized the relationship of the motive to the task in the game among schoolchildren as a relationship less close and less meaningful than with the learning motive.

The same lack of content developed between the learning motive and the first two tasks in experiments with preschoolers and the third task in experiments with schoolchildren, although for different reasons: in preschoolers because the learning motive did not have sufficient stimulating power, in schoolchildren because the low content of the third task did not correspond to the nature of the educational motive.

The productivity of involuntary memorization turned out to be directly dependent on the nature of the relationship between the motive and the task. The data of our study allow us to formulate the following statement: the closer and more meaningful relationships exist between the motive and the task, the greater is the productivity of involuntary memorization.

These studies allow us to approach the characteristics of the conditions on which the relationship between motive and task depends. These conditions lie in the features of both the motive and the task.

The motive must first of all have sufficient motive force, since without this the activity cannot be carried out or it will be carried out at the expense of some other motive. But the presence of the motive power of motive is only the initial condition. To assess the nature of the relationship of the motive to the task, the main thing is the content of the motive itself, since it depends on what meaning the content of the task being performed can acquire. The same content of the task acquired a different meaning for our subjects.

with educational and play motives, because of this, the relationship of the motive to the task developed either more or less meaningfully.

On the other hand, the nature of the relationship between the motive and the task is also influenced by the characteristics of the task. To evaluate these relations, the main thing here is the content of the problem. Its objective content may not correspond to the nature of the motive. This discrepancy may be due to the characteristics of either the goal, or the method of achieving it, or both. In our experiments with schoolchildren, the content of the third task did not correspond to the nature of the educational motive, not in terms of its goal, but in terms of the way it was achieved. That this was indeed the case is evident from the fact that the same goal (inventing a word) in the first two problems was accepted by the schoolchildren with interest, because the methods were more in line with the nature of the goal. There are also cases when the task will not correspond to the motive. This means that the content of the task can be correlated in different ways with the nature of the motive, and therefore the relationship of the motive to the task will be either more or less meaningful.

Our position that the productivity of involuntary memorization is determined by the nature of the relationship of the motive to the task allows us to approach the disclosure of the psychological nature of the influence of the motive on memorization. The motive, giving a certain meaning to the content of the task being performed, leads to certain changes in the structure of the activity. Depending on what meaning the objective content of the task acquires, this content can occupy a different place in the structure of activity. In the presence of a meaningful relationship between the motive and the task, the motive and purpose of the activity coincide in their meaning for the subject; in

In this case, the most favorable conditions for memorization are formed, since the objective content of the task takes the place of the goal of the activity. In the presence of low-content relations of motive to the task, especially purely external connections between them, the motive and goal of the activity acquire different meanings for the subject; in this case, less favorable conditions for memorization arise, since the objective content of the task acts only as a means to achieve the goal. It is one thing when a student, preparing for an exam, is interested in the content of the subject, and quite another thing when he is only interested in getting a good mark.

Changes in the structure of activity, caused by the nature of the relationship between motive and task, create different conditions for the formation and consolidation of neural connections in the brain. In cases where the relation of the motive to the task develops in such a way that the objective content of the task acquires primary significance for the subject, the most favorable conditions arise for the formation of the corresponding neural connections. In those cases when the content of the task acquires in the activity the meaning of something additional, not the main one, such content is less well understood and less remembered.

Of course, we could not give any exhaustive characterization of the relationship between motive and task. Such a task goes far beyond the scope of this study. It is clear that these relations will be different depending on the content of the motive itself, on what place it will occupy in the motivational sphere of the personality, depending on how the motive of the personality will be realized, etc. All these features of the motive will inevitably affect the nature of the relationship. motive for

task. On the other hand, the task itself does not determine the results of memorization, but depending on what meaning the content of the task acquires, who performs it, i.e. depending on the nature of the relationship between the motive and the task.

AT In the fourth chapter, we put forward the position that the material included in the content of the main goal of the action is remembered most productively. The conclusion we arrived at this study about the dependence of the productivity of involuntary memorization on a certain relationship between motive and task, is directly related to this provision, complements and largely reveals it.

AT in fact: the place that certain material can take in human activity (the place of the main goal or the place of the method of achieving it) will be largely determined by the relationship between the motive and the goal of the task being performed in this activity. One might think that in the context of meaningful relationships between the motive and the task, the immediate object of activity can take the place of its main goal. And vice versa, in the presence of external, meaningless connections between the motive and the task, the object of activity will act either as a means to achieve the goal or in the role any intermediate goal in relation to the main one.

Thus, the positive or negative value of motives in involuntary memorization in each individual case will be determined by how they contribute to such a restructuring of activity in which its object can take the place of the main goal of this activity. Hence, the positive role of motives is determined by the extent to which they contribute to the creation

such conditions for the formation of neural connections under which the subject of activity finds the greatest

reinforcement.

The main results of the first part of our work can be briefly formulated as follows.

AT The experiments described in the third chapter showed the general dependence of involuntary memorization on the activity of the subject. It is not a passive impression of objects that act on the senses. The most general and necessary condition for involuntary memorization any objects is the interaction of the subject with them.

AT The next three chapters outlined research aimed at studying the dependence of involuntary memorization on various aspects of the subject content of the activity, its goals, methods

and motives.

Experiments have shown that involuntary memorization is most productive when certain material is included in the content of the main goal of the activity.

This pattern, as revealed in further studies, turned out to be the main one. Other patterns are also associated with it, characterizing the dependence of involuntary memorization on the methods and motives of activity.

The most productive were such methods that provide an active and meaningful orientation in the material. In these cases, the methods themselves, by the nature of the flow, approach targeted ones.

actions and thereby help a certain material to take the place of their goal.

The influence of motives on involuntary memorization turned out to be the more effective, the more meaningful they are related to the task performed by a person. In these cases, the most effective reinforcement of the material included in the content of the purpose of the activity is provided.

Further analysis of the features of involuntary memorization will be carried out in comparison with voluntary memorization.

The presentation of the results of a comparative study of these two types of memorization will form the content of the third part of the work.

Memory form.

Specificity.

Occurs without the intentional use of special means to better preserve the material in memory. Due to the fact that various memory processes serve the actual activity, the completeness, accuracy and strength of involuntary memorization depend on its goals and motives.

Psychological Dictionary. THEM. Kondakov. 2000 .

INDIVIDUAL MEMORY

(English) involuntary memory) - process memorization proceeding against the background (in the context) of activities aimed at solving non-nemic tasks. N. h. - product and condition of cognitive and practical actions. This is not a random, but a natural process, determined by the features activities subject. Productivity N. h. depends on the goal of the object of human activity, on what means this goal is achieved and what motives she is encouraged. Research has shown P.And.Zinchenko(1961), for the productivity of N. h. what matters is place occupied by this material in activity. If it is included in the content of the main goal of the activity, then it is remembered better than when it is included in the conditions, ways to achieve this goal. The material that takes the place of the main goal in the activity is remembered the better, the more meaningful connections are established in it. Finally, material is involuntarily remembered that is significant for the subject, causing and . At high degree intellectual activity in the process of performing activities, as a result of which N. z. is carried out, the latter can provide a wider imprint of the material and more durable him in memory compared with arbitrary memorization. N. h. - an early genetic form of memory, in which the selectivity of memory is determined by the very course of activity, and not by the active use of the means and methods included in it, it precedes the formation of arbitrary memory.

The main methodical reception for N.'s studying h. consists in the fact that the subject is invited to perform k.-l. activity, and then, after a certain pause, he is asked about what has been preserved in his memory from the work done or the impressions received. (T. P. Zinchenko.)

Big psychological dictionary. - M.: Prime-EVROZNAK. Ed. B.G. Meshcheryakova, acad. V.P. Zinchenko. 2003 .

See what "involuntary memorization" is in other dictionaries:

Involuntary Memory- memorization that occurs without the intentional use of special means to better preserve the material in memory. Due to the fact that various memory processes serve the actual activity, completeness, accuracy and strength ... ... Psychological Dictionary

INDIVIDUAL MEMORY- INDIVIDUAL MEMORY. Memorization of language material without prior installation and additional efforts on the part of the student, in the process of speech activity. Productivity N. h. depends on the purpose of the activity, on what means ...

Memorization without the intention to remember the material, without the use of special means to better retain the material in memory. Memory-bound processes perform operations here that service other activities. As a result, memorization wears ... ...

REMEMBER- one of the main memory processes, which consists in fixing sensations, images of perception, ideas, thoughts, actions, experiences. 3. the basis for the accumulation, preservation and reproduction by a person of his experience. In the process 3. not only are fixed ... Russian Pedagogical Encyclopedia

memorization- Mnemonics (Greek τα μνημονιχα the art of memorization) (mnemonics) is a set of special techniques and methods that make it easier to remember the necessary information and increase the amount of memory by forming associations (connections). Replacing abstract ... ... Wikipedia

The generalized name of the processes that ensure the retention of material in memory. Z. the most important condition for the subsequent restoration of newly acquired knowledge. The success of Z. is determined primarily by the possibility of incorporating new material into the system ... Great Psychological Encyclopedia

REMEMBER- REMEMBER. The property of memory that ensures the retention of material; the most important condition for the subsequent restoration of newly acquired knowledge. The success of Z. is determined primarily by the possibility of including new material in the system of meaningful ... ... New dictionary methodological terms and concepts (theory and practice of teaching languages)

MEMORIZATION IS INVOLVED- memorization without a person setting himself the task of remembering this or that material, which is of a relatively direct nature and is carried out without special volitional efforts, without the use of mnemonic techniques and conditioned ... ... Psychomotor: Dictionary Reference

memorization- fixation of impressions in memory. The nature of memorization depends on the type of memory in which this process takes place. It can be explicit (arbitrary, intentional) and implicit (involuntary). Methods for studying memory correspond to ... ... Encyclopedic Dictionary of Psychology and Pedagogy

memorization- one of the processes of memory, through which information is entered into memory. The success of Z. is determined primarily by the possibility of incorporating new material into a system of meaningful connections. Depending on the place of Z. processes in ... ... Pedagogical terminological dictionary

Books

• Maths. Textbook for grade 3 elementary school. In 2 books. Book 1, Aleksandrova Elvira Ivanovna. The author proposes a fundamentally new methodology for teaching mathematics, based on a general approach to performing any arithmetic operation, including multiplication and division. Study methodology…

Memorization without mnemonic orientation, without the intention to remember is called involuntary.

It ensures the preservation of most of our experience, but it began to be studied later than arbitrary and for a long time was considered inaccurate, fragile, capturing "random" facts that were not included in the field of attention. Indeed, there is a lot of evidence that, at first glance, confirms this opinion. For example, when staging a fight, only 47% of the correct answers were received from the children who watched it. Or a man who repeated a prayer every day after his wife and said it about 5000 times, could not read it by heart when he was asked to do it, but learned the text of the prayer after that in several repetitions. The incompleteness, inaccuracy and inconsistency of the testimonies are also well known, which was first described and analyzed by V. Stern at the beginning of the 20th century. However, later studies by P.I. Zinchenko and A.A. Smirnov showed that the problem of the effectiveness or inefficiency of involuntary memorization is much more complicated.

Smirnov, unexpectedly for the subjects, asked them to remember everything that they remembered on the way from home to work, or (in the second series of experiments) invited them to tell what happened during the scientific meeting, which they attended a week before the experiments. It was concluded that involuntary memorization depends on the main line of activity during which it was carried out, and on the motives that determine this activity. The subjects most often recalled what they did (rather than what they thought), what contributed to or hindered the achievement of the goal, as well as something strange, unusual. Those provisions from the speeches that were closely related to the range of knowledge and interests of the subjects were also remembered. Zinchenko, when studying involuntary memorization, suggested that the subjects perform tasks that require different intellectual activity. He found that the effectiveness of memorization depends on whether the memorized is the goal of the activity or only a means of its implementation. Another factor is the degree, the level of intellectual activity. High intellectual activity is necessary in order to compensate for the lack of mnemonic orientation. That is why, for example, the numbers from the problems that the subject himself invented were involuntarily remembered better, and not those that were in the problems proposed for solving in finished form.

Comparative studies of the effectiveness of voluntary and involuntary memorization have shown that with deep penetration into the semantic content of the material, with mental processing of the perceived, even without a mnemonic task, the material is retained in memory more firmly than what was memorized arbitrarily, but without active intellectual activity. At the same time, where involuntary memorization is more productive than voluntary, this advantage in children weakens with age, since higher mental development causes less intellectual activity when performing the proposed tasks.

Involuntary memorization depends on the relation of activity to intentions and needs. B.V. effect Zeigarnik lies in the fact that the subjects who are offered a number of tasks, when unexpectedly asked to remember these tasks, name more interrupted, unfinished activities. The effect is explained by the lack of discharge of tension, which is created by the "quasi-need" to perform the activity. However, it depends on many factors, and, in particular, with high motivation, when motives related to the defense of the Self come to the fore, the dependence is reversed: memories of "unpleasant" tasks, of failures are suppressed.

The question of the influence of emotions on the effectiveness of involuntary memorization is difficult. According to Freud, what has a bright negative connotation is forced into the unconscious. Other authors (for example, Blonsky) obtained different data in experiments, noting that it is unlikely that forgetting something unpleasant is good for life. It is only clear that usually emotional coloring improves memorization in comparison with the memorization of emotionally neutral material. S. L. Rubinshtein considers it impossible to give an unambiguous answer to the question of whether pleasant or unpleasant is remembered better. Unfortunately, the mechanisms by which emotions affect memory are still poorly understood.

In modern cognitive psychology, the “processing level” model proposed by F. Craik and R. Lockhart is most directly related to the issue under discussion. According to this model, memory is a by-product of information processing, and the preservation of its traces directly depends on the depth of processing. Superficial, sensory analysis is less effective for memorization than, for example, semantic. This model, essentially similar to the earlier views of Smirnov and Zinchenko, is criticized, but it explains many facts well (for example, the memorization of the text of the role by the actor while working on it or the memorization by the investigator of those difficult cases that he led). It is also shown that students prone to deep processing educational material, remember it better (R. Schmeck). The “personal development” of the material is also useful, for example, searching for events from personal experience corresponding to the patterns under study, or attempts to use these patterns in practice.

Involuntary memory - it is a product and a condition for the implementation of cognitive and practical actions.

For the productivity of involuntary memorization, the place that this material occupies in the activity is important. If the material is included in the content of the main goal of the activity, it is remembered better than when it is included in the conditions, ways to achieve this goal.

Example1: In experiments for schoolchildren Grade 1 students were given five simple arithmetic problems to solve, after which, unexpectedly for the subjects, they were asked to recall the conditions and numbers of the problems. Schoolchildren of the 1st grade memorized numbers almost three times more than students. This is due to the fact that the first-grader's ability to add and subtract has not yet become a skill. It is a meaningful purposeful action for students of the 1st grade. For first graders, operating with numbers constituted the content of the goal of this action, while for students it was part of the content of the method, and not the goal of the action.

Material that occupies a different place in the activity acquires a different meaning. Therefore, it requires a different orientation and is reinforced in different ways. The content of the main goal requires a more active orientation and receives effective reinforcement as an achieved result of the activity and therefore is better remembered than what concerns the conditions for achieving the goal.

Example2: Simple text - text of medium complexity - complex text with a plan.

Involuntarily, the material that causes active mental work on it is better remembered.

involuntary memorization will be the more productive, the more interested we are in the content of the task being performed. So, if the student is interested in the lesson, he remembers its content better than when the student listens only for “order”.

Arbitrary memorization - this is a product of special mnemonic actions, that is, such actions, the main purpose of which will be memorization itself. The productivity of such an action is also related to the characteristics of its goals, motives and methods of implementation. At the same time, as special studies have shown, one of the main conditions for arbitrary memorization is a clear statement of the task of memorizing the material accurately, completely and consistently. Various mnemonic goals affect the nature of the memorization process itself, the choice of its various methods, and, in connection with this, the result.

An important role in voluntary memorization is played by motives that encourage memorization. The reported information can be understood and memorized, but without acquiring sustainable significance for the student, it can quickly be forgotten. People who have not been sufficiently brought up with a sense of duty and responsibility often forget much of what they need to remember.

Mnemic tricks (Sharikov)

• analogy, association,
• Organizing the material
• Repetition,
• Establishment of logical connections,
• Recoding (lecture in your own words),
• interrupted action effect,
• Easier to remember in pieces
• Use of a developed type of memory.

Under the same conditions of working with the material(for example: classification of objects) involuntary memorization, remaining more productive in preschool and younger children school age, gradually loses its predominantly in middle school students and adults, giving way to arbitrary memorization.