The famous director demands a trial of the people responsible for the geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century
NTV hosted the premiere and discussion of the feature film “Yeltsin. Three days in August”, dedicated to the events of August 1991. We asked a famous writer and film director, Honored Artist of Russia, to express his opinion about this film. At one time, he made sensational documentaries “The Kremlin Conspiracy” and “Hot August 1991.” And he is rightfully considered one of the most authoritative experts on this issue.
Film "Yeltsin. Three Days in August" is so mediocre that discussing it as a work of art makes no sense. Even such noted liberals as Ksenia Larina And Irina Petrovskaya, on “Echo of Moscow” they were horrified. This is truly false and tendentious propaganda. And, apparently, a well-paid order. It doesn’t matter where exactly they got the money from - from the millions that were not confiscated "YUKOS", from the so-called Foundation of the First President of Russia, from the “wallet” of the Yeltsin family Deripaska, from sawn “nanomoney” Chubais or from a special fund American Congress to finance propaganda projects. To paraphrase a well-known saying about statistics, we can say that there are lies, blatant lies and the film “Yeltsin. Three days in August." During its discussion, the authors stated on air that in their film, every word spoken by the characters was taken from the memoirs of participants in the events. What can I say, memoirs are an interesting source of information. Can you imagine the degree of reliability of the memoirs? Yeltsin, written for him by the husband of Yeltsin’s daughter Yumashev! While working on my documentaries, I used the most reliable source of information - materials from the Russian Prosecutor's Office on the State Emergency Committee case.
More than 100 of the country's best investigators interrogated a huge number of people involved in these events - from presidents and ministers to ordinary soldiers - and literally established minute by minute who was where, what they said and what they did during these three days. And each person interrogated gave a receipt for criminal liability for giving false testimony. I had at my disposal dozens of volumes, a lot of video and photographic materials. This is not a “memoir”.I made the first film on this topic in England. I had one task - to tell as accurately as possible about the events of August 1991. Western companies were not interested in propaganda opuses on this topic. And these were churned out in batches in Yeltsin’s Russia. I came to the Prosecutor General of Russia and said that I needed to get video footage of the interrogations, which were then secret. After not very long negotiations, he sent me to the Investigative Committee of the Prosecutor's Office on Kuznetsky Most. When I arrived there, prepared boxes of films were already lying on the table. “We are giving them to you for exactly one day,” said the head of the investigative team in the State Emergency Committee case. “But if tomorrow at 17.00 I don’t see the box on this table again, you will be arrested.” I brought these films to Mosfilm, hired specialists, assigned security to them so that nothing was lost, and within 24 hours they copied everything for me. This was not easy to do. The total timing was more than 180 hours. And the technology of that time allowed dubbing only in real time. Nevertheless, I returned the films the next day. And then he sent the copies he made to London, where he mounted his picture.
Yeltsin's life was saved by drunkenness
The film “Three Days in August” begins with Yeltsin at the dinner table teaching Gorbachev how to continue living, and he nods his head and inserts remarks like: “Boris Nikolayevich, pass me the mustard!” At the same time, their conversation is overheard by some unknown KGB agents from a bus standing in the bushes of the government residence (!) with the inscription “Ritual”. This is some kind of nonsense! In fact, in the summer of 1991, Gorbachev decided to get rid of his entourage - the chairman of the KGB Kryuchkova, Minister of Defense Yazova, Minister of Internal Affairs Pugo, Prime Minister Pavlova, vice president Yanaeva. At his dacha in Novo-Ogaryovo, he secretly met with Yeltsin and Nazarbayev and entered into a conspiracy with them so that they would help him remove his former associates from key posts. For this, he promised Yeltsin the post of vice president, and Nazarbayev - prime minister. Another person was present at their secret meeting - the Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Valery Boldin. This was the closest friend of the Gorbachev family. Mikhail Sergeevich trusted him limitlessly. Gorbachev had no idea that Boldin was a KGB informant.
It was he who conveyed the contents of the meeting to Kryuchkov. In my film, Mikhail Sergeevich himself talked about this.In the next episode of the notorious “Three Days,” literally on the eve of August 19, future members of the State Emergency Committee gather in an unknown person’s huge office, listen to a recording of a conversation at Gorbachev’s dacha and spontaneously decide that Gorbachev should be removed. In fact, in the first days of August, after escorting Gorbachev to Foros, the country’s leaders, whom Mikhail Sergeevich decided to get rid of, met at the address: Academician Varga Street, building 1. They decided to deliver a preemptive strike to Gorbachev. The meeting took place at the secret ABC facility, which was built for operational communication between Soviet intelligence residents and the country's top leadership. There in the garden there was a rather miserable wooden gazebo. It was in it that the conspirators gathered. The whole world first saw the place where the State Emergency Committee was created in my film “The Kremlin Conspiracy.” In 1992, journalist Valentin Yumashev secretly composed Yeltsin’s next memoirs there. I gave him a portable camera, and the future head of the Russian Presidential Administration filmed this secret object for me for $500.
In life everything was much more dramatic than in the imagination of the authors of the wretched propaganda about three days. After the decision was made to remove Gorbachev, the key figure in all events was the commander of the Airborne Forces Pavel Grachev.
Summoning him to his Lubyanka, KGB chief Kryuchkov instructed him to develop in the smallest detail the entire scenario for a future counter-coup - from the isolation of Gorbachev in Foros to the introduction of troops into Moscow and the “internment” or “neutralization” of Yeltsin, who was tired of his inappropriate actions. Grachev worked on this plan together with KGB colonels Egorov And Zhizhin I worked for a whole week at the KGB dacha in the village of Mashkino on Leningradskoe Highway. At the next meeting at the ABC site, the plan was approved by the conspirators. But from the very beginning, things didn’t quite go according to script. Gorbachev was able to be isolated in Foros without any problems, but it was not possible to get rid of the troublemaker Yeltsin. At that moment, Yeltsin went to Alma-Ata to draw up a list of a new government together with Nazarbayev. On the way back to Moscow, his plane was supposed to get into an “accidental” plane crash. If this had happened, further chaos with the introduction of troops into Moscow would not have been necessary. All problems would be solved in one fell swoop. But Yeltsin got drunk to the point of insanity in Alma-Ata. Told me about this Korzhakov. Trying to sober up his future colleague, Nazarbayev took him to the mountains and laid him in an icy stream. As a result, the flight to Moscow was delayed, Yeltsin flew along the wrong air corridor where specially trained people with “Stingers” were waiting for him, and remained alive. Korzhakov dragged Yeltsin to his dacha in Arkhangelskoye.When on the morning of August 19, his daughter pushed him away and informed him about the creation of the State Emergency Committee, he, looking at the TV, did not quite understand what was happening. And in the film “Three Days in August” Boris Nikolayevich wakes up sober as a glass and the first thing he does is rush to call Grachev, who sympathizes with him and, contrary to the orders of the putschists, sends the general’s paratroopers Swan to protect the White House. In fact, the order to send four infantry fighting vehicles to the White House was given by Defense Minister Yazov.
What follows is an episode touching to tears - the writing of Yeltsin’s appeal to the people. In real life, this appeal was written by Yeltsin’s press secretary Voschanov. But in the film they are working on it Burbulis And Shahray. They appear at Yeltsin’s dacha like angels and begin to pronounce common truths about freedom and democracy. But they are the two main culprits for the collapse of the USSR. Burbulis is a former teacher of Marxism-Leninism from Sverdlovsk who wrote Yeltsin speeches for party conferences and gained his trust. After Yeltsin became President of Russia, Burbulis tried to eliminate the elected vice president Rutskogo and take his place.
And when this failed, he invented for himself the mythical position of “Secretary of State,” which did not exist in the Constitution. It was he who introduced the idea of the collapse of the Soviet Union into Yeltsin’s cloudy consciousness. And Shakhrai personally came up with the idea that Russia, Ukraine and Belarus should secede from the USSR. Obviously, those who ordered the film thought that everyone had a short memory. But behind every crime there is always a specific name.
Along with Burbulis and Shakhrai, General Lebed is presented as a folk hero in the film. He refuses to storm the White House, citing the fact that this will lead to great bloodshed. In fact, this martinet was sent to Yeltsin by the Yazovs in order to find out the plan for the defense of the “White House”, developed by Rutsky and Kobets. When he completed this task, Lebed went to the General Staff on his four infantry fighting vehicles and reported to Yazov and his deputy Achalov where the weak points of the defense are located. By the way, when he brought his soldiers supposedly to guard the building, the defenders of the “White House” spat at him and lay down under his combat vehicles. And when on the afternoon of August 20 Lebed left the Government House building to the mercy of fate, the same people threw flowers at his BMD. This indicates the level of awareness of the White House defenders. Therefore, I do not want to tarnish the noble spirit of these people who have gathered to defend democracy. The question is who they were going to protect with their bodies.
One of the key episodes of the film is Yeltsin’s telephone conversation with Kryuchkov, who threatens that Boris Nikolayevich’s family will be destroyed if he does not surrender. In fact, it was the other way around.
It was Yeltsin who threatened Grachev to destroy his family and eventually forced him to come over to his side. Grachev himself told me about this openly: “In exchange for refusing to storm the White House, I asked Yeltsin for security guarantees for members of my family.” What can we add to this? In general, the screen Yeltsin has very little in common with the real one. The only thing the performer of this role managed to do was Dmitry Nazarov, - convey the drunken voice of your character. The real Yeltsin was a psychopath who cut his wrists with nail scissors when he was removed from leadership of the Moscow City Committee, and a chronic alcoholic. His reign is the most shameful and humiliating episode in the modern history of Russia. And in this film he is depicted as a kind of block of white marble.Gaidar stole millions
In one of the last episodes, Yeltsin, forgetting about his wife and children, flees to the US Embassy, but at the last moment he changes his mind and returns to the White House. This is a real fact. True, in the film Kryuchkov himself is watching Yeltsin from the car. If you imagine the layout of the White House territory and compare it with the footage presented in the film, then the KGB chief’s car could only be located in one place - at the US Embassy! Now let's think about this. Why did the President of Russia seek salvation in the American embassy? Why, when he found himself in disgrace, did the USA suddenly start paying him enormous amounts of money for his “lectures”? Why did the Americans promise him financial support if he returned to power? Why did Yeltsin put American advisers in the Kremlin next to his office? Why did this “democrat” get away with shooting his own parliament? (Remember how the Americans deal with violators of “human rights” in Yugoslavia, Iraq, Afghanistan or Libya.) Why did he cut off from our country more than a million square kilometers of the Arctic shelf, under which enormous reserves of natural gas and other minerals were discovered? There are hundreds, thousands of similar questions. Maybe the answer is simple: because he was the same agent of US influence that they are now Yushchenko And Saakashvili?
And here, finally, is the finale of “Three Days.” Four months later, one of the film's heroines - a lady who was pregnant from an unknown source - gave birth to a son. In the background, as insignificant information, there is a message about the collapse of the Soviet Union. This means that the case takes place on December 30, 1991. Remember this date! The lady and her new boyfriend - naturally, the defender of the White House - decide to name the newborn Boris Nikolaevich and complain that foreign diapers are on sale, but they cannot buy them because they cost half the salary. Who was to blame for such a situation? In a collection of secret minutes of meetings of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, edited by the most honest and decent person, adviser to Gorbachev Georgy Shakhnazarov, with whom I was lucky enough to be personally acquainted, a terrible fact is cited: people had nothing to pay salaries with, nothing to buy food and basic necessities, and all because Yeltsin refused to transfer taxes from Russia, the largest republic of the country, to the USSR budget and decided keep them for yourself. I wonder where this money went? I asked you to remember that the final episode tells about the last days of December 1991. So, just on December 27, the Deputy Prime Minister of the Yeltsin government Gaidar secretly transferred two hundred million dollars from impoverished, agonizing Russia to Cuba! Recently, in the Echo of Moscow program, a famous economist Illarionov Burbulis poked his nose at this payment slip and demanded an answer - why did Yeltsin and Gaidar take away from the country an amount comparable to its then annual budget? There was no response from Burbulis.Speaking of Gaidar, one of the main henchmen of the Yeltsin clique. He became famous not only because of the disappearance of state money. In 1992, he transferred to the Chechen separatists all the weapons located on this territory during the Soviet era. Our soldiers were later killed from these guns. He, currying favor with Yeltsin like a stenographer, scribbled the shameful “Belovezhskaya agreement” in Viskuli, that is, he forever soiled himself with involvement in the collapse of the USSR. And the so-called Gaidar reforms were only a smokescreen that was supposed to distract people from the realization that a group of several traitors had taken their own country from them.
Having become famous in August 1991 as the “savior of democracy” and then falling into a deep binge, Yeltsin, at the instigation of Burbulis, began his main task. Secretly and vilely, he, not authorized by anyone, destroyed a great power in Viskuli with the stroke of a pen.
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Please understand me correctly. I'm not nostalgic for the communist dictatorship. Reforms in the USSR were necessary, and Gorbachev began them. But why did the country have to pay for reforms with its own territories? It’s time to stop the propaganda campaign on the topic: “In those three August days, Yeltsin was a hero, and only then became a chronic alcoholic, senile and traitor.” This idea was often heard in the studio during discussions about the film. No! A person who betrayed his homeland will always be called a traitor - be it a general Vlasov or marshal Peten. And especially Yeltsin, who made his dream come true Hitler- destroy the Soviet Union.
I recently participated in a TV show dedicated to the 20th anniversary of the State Emergency Committee. Moreover, the television crew devoted one evening to talking with Burbulis, and the next - with me. During the program, I was offered not only to answer questions from viewers, but also to ask them a question myself. “The events of August 1991 are directly related to the events of December of that year,” I said. - Therefore, I want to ask: “What punishment should the traitors who destroyed the Soviet Union be subjected to?” The phone in the studio was red hot. The most humane proposals were to crush them with asphalt rollers right on Red Square or to quarter them at Lobnoye Mesto. At the end of the program, the host asked how I would answer my own question. I said that I agreed with the TV viewers in everything, and for those to whom the death penalty can no longer be applied, eternal damnation would be appropriate. And this must be done not out of revenge, but so that the future rulers of Russia will never think about betrayal again.
By the early nineties of the 20th century, disintegration processes began in the USSR, during which the Baltic, and then other republics of the USSR, adopted Declarations of National Sovereignty, in which they challenged the priority of all-Union laws over republican ones.
Under these conditions, one of the most important tasks was the problem of preserving the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and concluding a new Union Treaty, which would provide for a significant expansion of the rights of the republics.
On December 24, 1990, the IV Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR voted for the preservation of the Soviet Union and adopted the Resolution “On holding a referendum on March 17, 1991 on the issue of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.”
The citizens of the Soviet Union were asked the question: “Do you consider it necessary to preserve the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as a renewed federation of equal sovereign republics, in which the rights and freedoms of people of any nationality will be fully guaranteed?”
A referendum on this issue was held in the RSFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, the Byelorussian SSR, the Uzbek SSR, the Azerbaijan SSR, the Kazakh SSR, the Kirghiz SSR, the Tajik SSR, the Turkmen SSR, in the republics that are part of the RSFSR, the Uzbek SSR and the Azerbaijan SSR, in the Abkhaz ASSR, part of the Georgian SSR, as well as in districts and areas formed under Soviet institutions and in military units abroad.
In the six union republics (Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, Georgia, Moldova, Armenia), which had previously declared independence or a transition to independence, an all-Union referendum was not actually held.
The Central Referendum Commission of the USSR found that the absolute majority of citizens were in favor of maintaining the union state in an updated form.
In the RSFSR, 71.34% of participating voters answered “Yes”, in the Ukrainian SSR - 70.2%; in the Byelorussian SSR - 82.7%; in the Uzbek SSR - 93.7%; in the Kazakh SSR - 94.1%; in the Azerbaijan SSR - 93.3%; in the Kirghiz SSR - 94.6%; in the Tajik SSR - 96.2%; in the Turkmen SSR - 97.9%.
Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which took part in the All-Union referendum, also voted to preserve the USSR.
However, later the will of the citizens was ignored by a number of high-ranking traitors. On December 8, 1991, an anti-state coup was carried out in Belovezhskaya Pushcha.
Yeltsin, Kravchuk and Shushkevich, without any legal authority to do so and in violation of the results of the March referendum, signed an agreement that “the USSR as a subject of international law and as a geopolitical reality ceases to exist.”
USSR President Gorbachev, instead of arresting the criminals, agreed with the “filka letter” signed by the traitors, and on December 26, 1991, the Soviet Union was dissolved.
Yeltsin, in his book “Notes of the President,” describes his feelings at the moment of dismemberment of the historical Motherland: “Suddenly there came a feeling of some kind of freedom, lightness... I felt in my heart: big decisions must be made easily...” The big and easy decision was celebrated with a big feast. In his memoirs, US President Bush noted that Yeltsin called him directly from the hunting lodge in Belovezhskaya Pushcha and said: “Gorbachev does not yet know these results... Dear George... this is extremely, extremely important. Considering the tradition already established between us, I could not wait even ten minutes without calling you.”
Thus, three drunken adventurers, with the blessing of Judas Gorbachev, ended the Cold War with the destruction of their Fatherland.
There can be no forgiveness for those who betrayed the will of the people and destroyed our state.
But today, one of the signatories of the Belovezhskaya Agreement, the “Christ-seller” Kravchuk, instead of being in prison, is free and teaches Ukrainians “the right life” on various television shows.
The Kyiv authorities welcome Kravchuk, giving him presidential honors, entrusting the traitor to head the so-called Constitutional Assembly, which is busy developing the draft of a new Constitution of Ukraine.
So, on the Shuster Life talk show on February 3, 2012, Kravchuk told viewers what correct changes to the Constitution of Ukraine his team was preparing.
But Yevgeny Tsarkov, a Verkhovna Rada deputy from the Communist Party of Ukraine, who was also present, slightly corrected the former “counter-propagandist” and ex-President of Ukraine Kravchuk and explained to television viewers why the changes made to the Constitution of Ukraine were needed.
The authorities, at the request of the West, prepared the sale of land, therefore the new Constitution of Ukraine should not stipulate that “land is the property of the people.” And Kravchuk’s task is to “correctly” spell out the issue of property in the new Constitution, excluding from the article the people of Ukraine, who, according to the authorities, have nothing to do with the “land,” and to eliminate all social norms.
For this purpose, it was proposed to Kravchuk to head the Constitutional Assembly, knowing how a former party worker and ex-president can convincingly prove that “black is white” and that everything that the authorities do is done for the benefit of the people. And Kravchuk, of course, cannot be denied the ability to constantly lie.
“The main cheater is here. And he headed this assembly,” said Evgeniy Tsarkov.
Tsarkov asked the ex-president to explain where and to whom “he gave the Black Sea Shipping Company with 360 ships and what dachas he has in Switzerland.”
And then Kravchuk, as they say in the East, “lost face”, began to splash saliva and “spin” as if in a frying pan.
And in conclusion, Tsarkov simply finished him off, noting: “I have no respect for Kravchuk as a person from whom he took his homeland. He took away the Motherland from millions of Ukrainian citizens. He destroyed the country, and by and large he does not need to head the Constitutional Assembly, but needs to judge. I guarantee you. When the system changes..."
The host of the show, Savik Shuster, did everything possible to “shut up” Evgeniy; the deputies and “orange persuasion” figures present also did their best to prevent Tsarkov from expressing his position. But the young, energetic and assertive communist coped with his task brilliantly - he conveyed the truth to television viewers and emerged victorious from a difficult discussion.
Addition to Kravchuk’s profile. Leonid Grach, former first secretary of the Crimean Republican Committee, said: “When, after his resignation, Yeltsin came with his family on vacation to Crimea in 2001, we met, sat and talked for a long time. And when we drank a couple of cabernet glasses, I began to tell Yeltsin an anecdote: “Boris Nikolayevich, in Crimea they often ask one question.” "Which?" – Yeltsin became interested. “Which of you was the most sober in Belovezhskaya Pushcha: you, Kravchuk or Shushkevich?” Yeltsin frowned, but asked to continue. Then I continued: “They say it’s Kravchuk. Because he kept Crimea for himself.” Here Boris Nikolayevich got so worked up that he began to cover up... Kravchuk in full. And when he blurted out the sore point, he said: “You know, there, in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, if I wanted, I could take a pencil and draw straight on the map from Kharkov to Izmail and say that all this remains in Russia. Kravchuk would not have objected a word.”
What can I say, what can I say!
This October, the Communist Party of Ukraine will have to solve the difficult task of getting the maximum possible number of its representatives into the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.
And to solve this problem, it is probably necessary today to form a party list of young communist-Leninists who have proven their loyalty to the party, educated, assertive, daring, and capable of resisting numerous opponents in political discussions.
Unfortunately, the current composition of the Communist faction in the Verkhovna Rada mostly consists of people of retirement and pre-retirement age, who, due to natural reasons, are already incapable of actively resisting arrogant nationalist opponents, putting forward and implementing new ideas, and leading young people.
A little history. In March 1994, elections of people's deputies to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine took place. With the support of the Ukrainian Communist Party, about a hundred deputies entered parliament, 85 of whom formed the Communist Party faction, and the rest joined the ideologically close Socialist Party of Ukraine.
In April 1998, at the next parliamentary elections of Ukraine, the Communist Party won 24.65 percent of the votes. According to the party electoral list, 84 people entered parliament. More than thirty more people were elected in single-member constituencies, which allowed the Communist Party of Ukraine to form the largest faction in parliament (121 deputies).
In March 2002, the next elections to the Verkhovna Rada took place. The Communist Party of Ukraine won 19.98 percent of the votes and received 59 parliamentary seats, losing only to Viktor Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine election bloc. In single-mandate constituencies, only 6 candidates from the Communist Party won.
In March 2006, at the next parliamentary elections, the Communist Party of Ukraine barely overcame the three percent barrier, having secured the support of 3.66 percent of voters, took the last fifth place and received only 21 parliamentary mandates.
On April 2, 2007, President Yushchenko dissolved the Verkhovna Rada. On September 30, 2007, parliamentary elections took place in Ukraine. The Communists received 5.39% of the vote (27 seats).
It must be admitted that the Communist Party of Ukraine is going through a difficult crisis in its history. In recent years, public confidence in the Communist Party of Ukraine has fallen several times. The times when the name of Pyotr Symonenko alone gathered thousands of communists and supporters of leftist ideas are gone.
All communists and sympathizers of the left movement must look for a way out of the crisis, since the alternative to today's stagnation is the collapse and death of the party, which could throw the communist movement, figuratively speaking, into 1991, a tragic year for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
In a report at the January (2010) Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, Petro Symonenko said: “... Let’s call a spade a spade: we suffered a serious political defeat.”
It is absolutely clear that in modern conditions, public participation in politics is an indispensable condition for success. Only a strong party can achieve fame, fame works for recognition and strengthening of the party. If you are deprived of the right to public politics, you have lost not only your official platform, but also your recognition among the masses, which means you are giving a head start to your political opponents. We remember that Lenin directly said that if there is no sharp rise in the revolutionary movement, communists are simply obliged to participate in parliamentary elections in order to ultimately disperse these parliaments and replace them with Soviets. But we remember that Lenin devoted 99% of his time to work among the masses and only 1% to the work of the Duma faction, and even then to daily observation of what they (the Duma deputies) were doing and what they were saying in their speeches, in order to exclude the possibility of them being infected by parliamentary cretinism.
Therefore, it is probably not at all necessary that the first leaders of the Communist Party, the leaders of the regional committees of the “Five Year Plans”, wear their pants in parliamentary chairs, only visiting the regions in swoops and swoops, delegating their immediate responsibilities to deputies. At the same time, due to the small number of the communist party faction, there is no real opportunity to implement the laws that people need, which does not benefit the party, voters, or grassroots party organizations.
And to the Verkhovna Rada, apparently, it is necessary to send political scientists who master the basics of oratory and journalism, who can write sharply and intelligibly and convince opponents and voters that they are right. What is needed are experts in parliamentary intricacies who can “push through” the law the party needs.
I remember a case when lawyer Ivanov participated in a television discussion with Gaidar in Russia. And how Gaidar blushed, turned pale and mumbled, unable to resist the eloquent populist Ivanov.
Of course, all actions must be coordinated by a person respected in the party, vested with the authority to make decisions independently.
Without struggle there are no victories! We will win if we organize the upcoming election campaign wisely!
In relative shares of the total population. The material presented below completely dispels the myth of the Second World War as “the Second Civil War, when the Russian people stood up to fight the bloody tyrant Stalin and the Soviet Judaicate.”
And so the word to the author, colleague harding1989
in Anti-Soviet military formations
I decided to present to the public a couple of visual (in my opinion) graphs and a plate to make some things clearer.
| People | Number of people in the USSR in 1941, % | Number of those who sided with the enemy out of the total number of traitors, % | Number of traitors out of the number of people, % |
| Russians | 51,7 | 32,3 | 0,4 |
| Ukrainians | 18,4 | 21,2 | 0,7 |
| Belarusians | 4,3 | 5,9 | 0,8 |
| Lithuanians | 1,0 | 4,2 | 2,5 |
| Latvians | 0,8 | 12,7 | 9,2 |
| Estonians | 0,6 | 7,6 | 7,9 |
| Azerbaijanis | 1,2 | 3,3 | 1,7 |
| Armenians | 1,1 | 1,8 | 1,0 |
| Georgians | 1,1 | 2,1 | 1,1 |
| Kalmyks | 0,1 | 0,6 | 5,2 |
So what do we see?
1) As many as 0.4% of truly Russian people stood up to fight the Jewish people (TM). To put it mildly - not impressive.
2) The most active fighters against Soviet power were such Slavic (and Aryan, of course) peoples as Latvians, Estonians and Kalmyks. Especially, of course, the latter. Zip file, where there.
3) Russians don’t even reach the “norm”. Those. if in the Union they were about 51.7% of the total population, then among those who fought on the side of the enemy they were about 32.3%.
This is what the “Second Civil” is like.
Sources:
Drobyazko S.I. "Under the banners of the enemy. Anti-Soviet formations within the German armed forces 1941-1945." M.: Eksmo, 2005.
Population of Russia in the 20th century: Historical essays. In 3 volumes / Vol.2. 1940-1959. M.: ROSSPEN, 2001.
Soldatenatlas der wehrmacht von 1941
Materials from the site demoscope.ru
Heydar Aliyev knew something about Gorbachev's Stavropol past and tried to stop him. And therefore, it is no coincidence that Gorbachev, almost immediately after coming to power, struck at the Azerbaijani security officer. So what could the “competent authorities” know about the last Soviet General Secretary?
The main role in the collapse of the USSR was played by Stavropol Judas M. Gorbachev, who was brought to power in the USSR with the help of external forces. During the 6 years of his leadership of the USSR, the external debt increased by 5.5 times, and the gold reserves DECREASED by 11 times. The USSR made unilateral military-political concessions. M. Gorbachev caused the greatest damage to his Fatherland in the history of the country. No country in the world has NEVER had such a leader. Therefore, a Public Tribunal over Judas is needed to identify the reasons that contributed to his rise to power and destructive anti-state activities.
“When WE received information about the upcoming death of the Soviet leader (we were talking about Yu. V. Andropov), we thought about the possible coming to power with our help of a person, thanks to whom we could realize our intentions. This was the assessment of my experts (and I always formed a very qualified group of experts on the Soviet Union and, as necessary, contributed to additional emigration of the necessary specialists from the USSR). This person was M. Gorbachev, who was characterized by experts as a careless, suggestible and very ambitious person. He had good relationships with the majority of the Soviet political elite, and therefore his coming to power with our help was possible.”
Margaret Thay tcher. Member of the Trilateral Commission - January 1992.
While reading Igor Nikolaevich Panarin’s book “The First World Information War” I came across interesting material about M.S. Gorbachev. He cites some excerpts from an article dated December 29, 2004 in the Rossiyskiye Vesti newspaper by Leonid Smolny, “General Liquidator.”
"For some people, autumn comes early and remains for the rest of their lives... Where do they come from? From the dust. Where are they going? To the grave. Does blood flow in their veins? No, then it’s the night wind. Does thought knock in their heads ? No, then - a worm. Who speaks with their lips? A toad. Who looks with their eyes? A snake. Who listens with their ears? A black abyss. They stir up human souls with an autumn storm, they gnaw at the foundations of reason, they push sinners to the grave. They rage and they are fussy in explosions of rage, they sneak, track, lure, they make the moon gloomy and the clear flowing waters are clouded. These are the people of autumn. Beware of them on your way."
Ray Douglas Bradbury, Something Bad is Coming.
On March 2, 1931, a boy was born in the village of Privolnoye, Stavropol Territory. He will grow up, graduate from Moscow University, fate will elevate him to the very pinnacle of power in a mighty and great country, he will be enthusiastically received outside his homeland and cursed in his homeland. It will change the map of the planet and reverse evolution. It will undoubtedly end up in the history books, in fact it already has. It’s just a pity that he forgot that you can not only get into history, but also get stuck.
Came down from the mountains
By the beginning of the 80s, the Soviet Union was still outwardly strong, but it was already being undermined from within by invisible “worms” and “moles.” The country needed reforms, this was clear to everyone. The question was whose group would come to power and, accordingly, whose strategic line would prevail. The Brezhnev clan was preparing its candidacy for a “successor” to replace the leader who had fallen into senile impotence. At one time, certain forces put forward the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Belarusian Republican Party Committee, Pyotr Masherov, who mysteriously died in a car accident. They also talked about Romanov from St. Petersburg. But he was compromised by the intelligence services.
However, unexpectedly for many, Yuri Andropov comes to the post of Secretary General. It seemed like a long time. Contrary to the intensely spreading rumors about Yuri Vladimirovich’s poor health, he could have lasted in the Kremlin for more than one year. Did not work out. Konstantin Chernenko also flew fleetingly in the people's memory. The country was tired of funerals, and in March 1985 Mikhail Gorbachev became the new Secretary General.
Much has been written about the intrigues that accompanied the nomination and promotion of Mikhail Sergeevich to this high position. But not all. Writers and analysts who thoughtfully discuss the undercurrents in the “Kremlin aquarium” for some reason do not mention one remarkable circumstance. Gorbachev is a southerner, the mystical Caucasus Mountains are located near his Stavropol region. And in the south, everything not only grows quickly, but also takes root in ways that you can’t immediately identify. Moreover, there have always been enough Caucasians in Moscow, starting from the time of “St. Joseph”.
There is, there is a certain secret in the mechanism of MSG promotion to the top. A provincial secretary with an appropriate outlook and a limited vocabulary from old political economy textbooks objectively had no chance of moving to Moscow. But they moved him. As they say, including the Chairman of the KGB of the USSR, Yuri Andropov (which is not true, but more on that below). Gorbachev was the first secretary of the Stavropol regional committee, the king and god of the largest region of the country, where party bosses like Andropov and Suslov loved to relax, and the curator of “failed” agriculture.
Another mystery: the head of the KGB of Azerbaijan, Heydar Aliyev, presumably knew something about Gorbachev’s Stavropol past and tried to stop him. Yuri Andropov at one time promoted Aliyev to Moscow in order, apparently, to use his dossier against Mikhail Sergeevich at the last moment. And therefore, it is no coincidence that Gorbachev, almost immediately after coming to power, struck at the Azerbaijani security officer. So what could the “competent authorities” know about the last Soviet General Secretary? What scared Mikhail Sergeevich so much?
Party intrigue
The reform plans that Yuri Andropov started included a lot, but there was never any talk about the collapse of the Soviet Union, which Gorbachev later did, who did not hesitate to call himself Yuri Vladimirovich’s nominee. Andropov intended to move the CPSU away from governing the country, transferring full power to the Soviet “business executives.” The Soviet government, and not a conclave of Politburo elders, should have headed the management vertical. And Andropov also wanted to create a two-party system in the country, where the ruling party would constantly feel the breath of a competitor on the back of its neck. This version of reforms seems to be very different from what Mikhail Sergeevich subsequently did with the gullible people.
It is clear that the removal of the CPSU from power was not an easy matter. It was first necessary to “bleed” the party, to introduce disorganization into the orderly ranks. The reason for the offensive was the financial sins of the Soviet economic elite, whose affairs became the subject of attention of KGB officers. However, before Andropov arrived, they could not put the accumulated information into action, because the “business executives” were covered by high-ranking party officials. But now, in 1982, the “committee” seriously took on the Krasnodar and Astrakhan secretaries. But few people know that the third on this list was the former secretary of the Stavropol regional committee of the CPSU, Mikhail Gorbachev.
A short excursion into history. The southern direction has become a subject of concern for law enforcement agencies for some time. From the Republic of Afghanistan, where a contingent of Soviet troops carried out an “international mission,” “hard” drugs began to arrive along with the coffins of dead servicemen. Analysts from the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR saw a particular danger in the fact that the transit and distribution of narcotic substances was protected by both high-ranking officers of law enforcement agencies and individual representatives of the party apparatus.
Attempts to calculate the geography of transit flows of Soviet drug dealers were made by the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Vasily Fedorchuk, his deputy for personnel Vasily Lezhepekov and the Chairman of the KGB of the USSR Viktor Chebrikov. On instructions from the Council of Ministers of the USSR, they sent the head of the psychophysiological laboratory of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, Mikhail Vinogradov, to develop a method for covertly identifying law enforcement officers who either used drugs or were in contact with drug-containing substances.
The republics of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan were chosen as testing grounds for the method; a special team took part in the annual preventive examination of personnel of internal affairs bodies. As a result, it turned out that police officers in these republics, from generals to privates, personally used drugs in 60 out of a hundred cases. But the most important thing, for which the operation was planned and which the immediate director of the study, Mikhail Vinogradov, did not know about at the time, was confirmation of the information that all drug flows from Central Asia and the Caucasus converged in the Stavropol Territory from the very beginning.
And now it has become clear why, back in 1978, Mikhail Gorbachev was “pushed” from the first secretaries of the Stavropol Territory to the insignificant position of Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for “failed” agriculture. Removed from under attack? Or maybe, on the contrary, they were exposed to the repressive skating rink of the “committee”? After all, by that time the security officers had started surveillance on him.
Mysticism of Malta
Gorbachev was saved by a miracle. True, one can also say that this miracle was man-made. The strange quick deaths of two general secretaries, Andropov and Chernenko, who in theory should have been cared for and cherished by the doctors of the Fourth Directorate of the USSR Ministry of Health, still haunt many specialists and historians. Be that as it may, after coming to power, Mikhail Sergeevich immediately defeated a group of experts from the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs who were involved in the scandalous “Stavropol drug transit”, sending some to resign, some to retire.
But the southern accent in the activities of the Secretary General only intensified. It is no coincidence that Gorbachev pulled out the Georgian Shevardnadze, placing him in a key direction - foreign policy, appointing Eduard Amvrosievich, who had hitherto had nothing to do with diplomatic work, to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. Shevardnadze covered Gorbachev from the rear, and together they then quietly and not without benefit for themselves surrendered the foreign policy positions of the great country.
They went too far; they could have been exposed by loyal secret services. And therefore, in order not to fall under the steamroller of the “committee,” Gorbachev and Shevardnadze deliberately accelerated the processes of the collapse of the USSR. A remarkable touch. The famous meeting in Malta, December 1989. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev and US President George H. W. Bush said at the end of the meeting that their countries were no longer adversaries. And on the eve of the historic visit, a terrible storm broke out at sea. It seemed as if nature itself was preventing something, trying to prevent some terrible tragedy. But what? Knowledgeable people tell how, during negotiations, a frantic American journalist appeared on the deck of a Soviet ship and said to his colleagues in the purest Russian: “Guys, your country is finished...”
Stavropol Judas
In the last years of perestroika, the country went into disarray. Gorbachev, in response to the alarming remarks of party officials that something was wrong, answered cheerfully: “We have everything calculated.” But the processes were controlled not only on Old Square. In April 1991, a plenum of the Moscow City Party Committee was held. The first secretary of the city committee, member of the CPSU Politburo Yuri Prokofiev announced the agenda.
It stated that the group of the Moscow party organization, together with a bloc of secretaries of Siberian and Ural party organizations, including committees of the largest industrial enterprises, was submitting for consideration of the upcoming plenum of the CPSU Central Committee a single point: the removal from the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev. However, behind the scenes, Mikhail Sergeevich outplayed his opponents. It turned out that the plenum was postponed to the end of August. And in the meantime, it was planned to sign the Union Treaty developed in Novo-Ogarevo.
State Emergency Committee. Let’s assume that Kryuchkov and his comrades would not have acted in August 1991. And what? Nothing special. The plenum of the CPSU Central Committee was held, President Gorbachev was removed from party power. In the future, the course of events could develop as follows: the CPSU would lose its influence, embarking on the path of reform (a split into two or three parties - that same Andropov version), the transition of the economy to a market economy would be launched as planned (following the Chinese model), democracy would be built, but not according to Western false patterns.
With such a combination, both Gorbachev and Yeltsin would have been removed from the “great game.” So the August conspiracy objectively played into the hands of Mikhail Sergeevich, who in this way tried to outplay the party opposition. Yeltsin also benefited, who, if the Union Treaty was signed, retained the post of Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR. However, after the State Emergency Committee, the chances were lost.
One day, one of the former presidents of the former Soviet republic asked Gorbachev: “Why are you separating our people from the Russians?” In response, Gorbachev simply lowered his eyes. He betrayed those who at first believed his demagoguery and hoped to lead the country out of the political and economic impasse through just one maneuver, playing according to the principle of “both ours and yours.” Selfishness in life and politics, personal irresponsibility - this is the verdict of history.
When starting reforms of the USSR in 1985, M.S. Gorbachev acted according to a clearly developed “Council on International Relations”. He, of course, did not know its contents, and he hardly knew about its existence. The real architects of perestroika know how to keep secrets. M. Gorbachev simply knew that external forces helped him come to power, whose requests he had to listen to. Only D. Rockefeller knew the full contents of the plan. M. Thatcher, G. Kissinger, Z. Brzezinski and a number of other people knew about some components of the plan. Let's call it the “Combine” plan. Just like the top secret plan for the information war against the USSR in 1943, “Rankin,” the “Combineer” plan will never be published. It is symbolic, however, that if the initiator of the Rankin plan was W. Churchill, then the British woman M. Thatcher played a key role in the Combiner plan. In fact, it was she who managed to carry out a successful recruitment approach to M.S. Gorbachev, using his suggestibility and ambition in 1984. At the same time, she had a plump folder with compromising information on the former Stavropol combine operator, prepared for her by the resident of the foreign intelligence of the KGB of the USSR in London and at the same time an agent of the British intelligence MI6 (since 1974), Colonel Oleg Antonovich Gordievsky.
November 14, 1985 O.A. Gordievsky was sentenced in absentia “for treason to the Motherland” to death with confiscation of property. The sentence was not canceled even after the collapse of the USSR.
The Combiner plan also had a clear economic component, aimed at disorganizing the Soviet economy and bringing it under the influence of transnational corporations. To some extent, it was the “Marshall Plan 2” for the economic enslavement of the USSR.
At the end of 1987, when the USSR Government prepared its proposals for the country's economy for 1988. According to these proposals, the solid national economic plan was transformed into a state order, fully provided with financial and material resources. At the same time, the order was reduced to 90 - 95% of the total production volume, and the remaining 5 - 10% of the production of the enterprise received the right to dispose at its own discretion on the basis of contractual relations. In subsequent years, using the experience gained, it was planned to gradually establish the optimal level of government orders.
At a meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee at the end of 1987, M. Gorbachev achieved a decision to finalize the Government's draft, as a result of which the level of government orders was reduced by one third, and for a number of ministries - by more than half. It is obvious that M. Gorbachev acted on external instructions.
I believe that these were deliberate actions to collapse the Soviet economy. Everything went in accordance with the USSR KGB memo of 1977 on the formation of the Fifth Column. Let us recall some of its provisions:
“1. The US CIA, based on the analysis and forecast of its specialists about the future paths of development of the USSR, is developing plans to intensify hostile activities aimed at the disintegration of Soviet society and the disorganization of the socialist economy.
2. For these purposes, American intelligence sets the task of recruiting agents of influence from among Soviet citizens, training them and further promoting them into the sphere of management of politics, economics and science of the Soviet Union.
3. The CIA has developed individual training programs for agents of influence, providing for their acquisition of espionage skills, as well as their concentrated political and ideological indoctrination. In addition, one of the most important aspects of training such agents is the teaching of management methods at the leading level of the national economy.
4. The leadership of American intelligence plans to purposefully and persistently, regardless of costs, search for individuals who, based on their personal and business qualities, are capable of occupying administrative positions in the management apparatus in the future and fulfilling the tasks formulated by the enemy.”
Following the instructions of M.S. Gorbachev, taking advantage of free contract prices, many enterprises at first began to receive huge amounts of money - excess profits, but not due to increased production, but due to their monopoly position. As a result, income in 1988 increased by 40 billion rubles, in 1989 - by 60 billion rubles, and in 1990 - by 100 billion rubles. (instead of the usual increase of 10 billion rubles). The consumer market was blown up, all goods literally “flyed” off the shelves. Everywhere they began to discontinue unprofitable products, and the cheap assortment was washed out. While government orders were sharply reduced in mechanical engineering and a number of other industries, in the fuel and energy complex it amounted to 100%. Miners bought everything they needed for production at negotiated prices, and sold coal at state prices. This was one of the main reasons for the outbreak of miners' strikes. Justice has been violated. There was a break in the established relationships in the national economy. Regional interests began to come to the fore, which became fertile ground for separatism. The result of perestroika was a socio-economic collapse: control over production, finance, and money circulation was lost. But this was the main goal of Operation Perestroika as part of the “Combineer” information war plan against the USSR.
Before perestroika, the USSR state budget was adopted and executed without a deficit.
In 1988, it was adopted for the first time without revenues exceeding expenses in a balanced amount. But already in 1989, the USSR state budget was adopted with a budget deficit of about 36 billion rubles, but State Bank loans were included in budget revenues, which had never before been included in budget revenues in the amount of over 64 billion rubles.
That is, in fact, the budget deficit amounted to 100 billion rubles! Therefore, the consumer market was soon “exploded”, and problems began with the food supply of the population.
The abandonment of the monopoly on the production and sale of alcoholic beverages only in 1989 led to the loss of turnover tax revenues by the state budget of more than 20 billion rubles.
The country's economy began to experience problems, production volumes decreased by 20% compared to 1985, prices steadily crept up, and unemployment appeared.
During the years of perestroika, public external debt increased many times and became the main means of covering the budget deficit. State internal debt grew even more rapidly.
After M. Gorbachev came to power, crime increased sharply. The number of crimes increased by 30% annually. Already in 1989, the number of prisoners in the USSR (1.6 million people) became 2 times more than in 1937. The number of intentional murders in 1989 (19 thousand) was one and a half times greater than the number of Soviet soldiers killed in Afghanistan over TEN YEARS.
And in these unstable socio-economic conditions, POLITICAL REFORM begins. A similar scheme was used by the CIA and MI6 in 1953 to overthrow the Mossadegh government in Iran, after which oil production came under the control of transnational corporations.
During the POLITICAL REFORM, the informational moral liquidation of all heroes and outstanding people who constituted the pride of the Russian people was carried out. During its course, the emphasis was placed on the implementation of Allen Dulles's keynote speech in 1945. Almost all the heroes of the Great Patriotic War were subjected to sophisticated slanderous accusations and abuse, the same was done in relation to more distant Russian history, including Peter I, Catherine II, Ivan the Terrible. The devilization of individuals and historical periods of Rus' began. All Russian history, according to the versions of the late 80s, was the history of nonentities. So, gradually, step by step, the idea of the inferiority of the Russian people began to be instilled. These information and ideological actions were successfully carried out by the “Colombian” A. NYakovlev, who was at the same time close to both M. S. Gorbachev and the CIA agent O. Kalugin.
The media, supervised by A.N. Yakovlev, proclaimed the concept of freedom of speech and launched a phased anti-state campaign. Taking into account the interaction carried out by the “Colombian” A.N. Yakovlev with another “Colombian” - the USSR KGB general and CIA agent O. Kalugin, it can be assumed that the main “temniks” and comments for the Soviet media were developed overseas. The comments developed in New York were based on the findings of the so-called “Harvard Project,” a study led by Allen Dulles aimed at studying the deep mechanisms of public consciousness in the USSR and searching for “pain points” for its destruction. Under external information and ideological control, the Soviet media began to work to destroy the state. The media was led by a group of globalist-Trotskyists (A. Yakovlev, V. Medvedev, V. Korotich, D. Volkogonov, etc.), who previously strictly punished dissent and carried out strict censorship of “anti-socialist” views. They were M. Gorbachev's closest associates in the collapse of the USSR.
Rewriting history became widespread. An illustration can be the replacement of the crimes of the Western colonialists, who carried out the enslavement and mass destruction of defenseless peoples, with their supposedly educational civilizing mission with the establishment of democratic ideals. But the development of the West, starting from the 15th century, occurred largely due to the robbery of colonies. In fact, Western Europe as a whole exploited vast masses of enslaved people. The colonial model of world development created by the British Empire was unjust. Internal European contradictions were smoothed over by income from the colonies. Russia lived off its own labor and created its own wealth. She also had to continuously repel external invasions from the West and East.
The Trotskyist globalists, having organized information cover from the media and the loyal West, launched a total purge at all levels of government of the USSR. In 1986-1989 under pressure from M. Gorbachev, 82.2% of the secretaries of regional committees, regional committees and republican Central Committees of the CPSU were removed from their posts. This was the largest purge in the entire history of the CPSU. And this was not just a personnel shuffling. This was their defeat, in accordance with the recommendations of the Council on Foreign Relations. The country was being prepared for collapse. Massive fire was opened to kill the “headquarters”. Powerful anti-state propaganda was launched on Soviet television channels, ostensibly to combat the mythical BRAKING MECHANISM on the part of party cadres. The term itself, BRAKING MECHANISM, was coined by specialists at Harvard University. At the first stage, the “dogmatic Suslovites”, led by member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee Yegor Ligachev, also took part in the destruction of the Soviet management system. Then it will be the turn of the “dogmatists.” But it was they who were used at first as a battering ram to destroy the CPSU. After all, the positions of the globalist-Trotskyists before 1987 were weak in the Soviet system of governance. And they could not do without the support of “technocrats” and “dogmatists”.
Having revised the system of previous geopolitical priorities of the USSR-Russia, M. Gorbachev began to formulate a new foreign policy course. It was based on the abstract primacy of universal human values. The implementation of the new foreign policy course in practice led to unilateral concessions and took destructive forms.
The excessively forced withdrawal of our troops from Eastern Europe had the consequences of a sharp weakening of the geopolitical interests of the USSR-Russia. The collapse of many years of contacts with former allies led to the ousting of the USSR-Russia from many regions of the world, leading to major geopolitical and economic losses.
The American newspaper WASHINGTON POST published an article on December 15, 1991 with an analysis of the reign of M.S. Gorbachev. The newspaper data shows what the economic efficiency, one might say “profitability,” of the information war against the USSR is.
If we try to objectively analyze the reasons for the defeat of the USSR in the information war, then the main reason is the inability of the CPSU Central Committee and the KGB of the USSR to counteract, which led to the creation of the Fifth Column within the USSR and the coming to the leadership of the country of a group of globalist Trotskyists led by M. Gorbachev.
Dmitry Timofeevich Yazov is a man of amazing, incredible destiny, the last by the date of conferring the title of Marshal of the Soviet Union. He could have been considered the last Minister of Defense of the USSR, if not for the notorious State Emergency Committee. With the wording “for treason to the Motherland,” the front-line marshal is imprisoned in “Matrosskaya Tishina” almost on his birthday, and literally for a few days another person becomes the Minister of Defense of the USSR. Soon the Soviet Union ceases to exist, and this becomes a personal tragedy for many, many people who took an oath to faithfully serve this particular state.An amazing fact: in the most difficult moments - the front, wounds, death of loved ones, a prison cell - the marshal finds support in poetry. Pushkin, "Eugene Onegin". Yazov knows the entire novel by heart. Just like “Masquerade” by Lermontov, “Who Lives Well in Rus'” by Nekrasov, like the poems of Mayakovsky, Yesenin. As a platoon commander, in 1942, he read them to soldiers in the trenches of the Leningrad Front, and as a regiment commander - in tents in Cuba, during the days of the Cuban Missile Crisis, when the world was on the brink of nuclear war. We talked about art, theater, and poetry on walks with our apartment neighbor, Innokenty Smoktunovsky.
Much in his life is unusual. Dmitry Timofeevich Yazov was born on November 8, 1924 in the Omsk village of Yazovo. A hereditary peasant, from 1942 to 1945 he fought near Leningrad, Volkhov, in the Baltic states, went from the trench bottom to the commander of a platoon, company, battalion, regiment...
Director: Andrey Grechikha.
Dmitry Yazov is the last Marshal of the Soviet Union. His life absorbed all earthly facets and cross-sections. Full-length attacks, sharp ups and steep falls. He held the notorious Soviet nuclear suitcase in his hands, sat in prison, went through an earthly and historical trial. He still holds his back straight and looks life not just in the eyes - in the pupils.
First execution
My childhood was very short-lived, my father died in 1934, when I was nine years old, the carefree time immediately ended, and my mother was left with a ladder of four children.
As I remember now, my mother said: you have become the main man in the family, we need to make sure that we have firewood for the winter. I rode a steer, collected branches and brushwood, and by winter we had an almost full cellar of brushwood.
I studied generally well. But of my own free will, I spent a year in the 4th grade, I had to go to study in another village, we have a four-year school, and I didn’t even have a normal shirt.
1941, I entered the 10th grade, and then there was war. I think to myself: how can this be? Our Red Army is so powerful, strong, it will defeat the Nazis, we won’t even have time to fight or shoot. Let's go to the military registration and enlistment office. Once they came, they escorted us out, the second time. And then they more or less began to relate - how old are you? I say it jokingly - 18 already. Oh good. And 6 of us were recruited and sent to a military unit. Thus, I ended up at the Supreme Council School in Novosibirsk, where it was evacuated. On November 28, 1941, he took the oath.
And I was not yet 18, I was born on November 8, 1924. I was 17.5 years old. Our battalion was sent to the Volkhov Front. I remember that we walked along the log flooring and through the swamps for about 50 kilometers. We came to a clearing in the forest, about 400 officers were standing there. They placed us on the left flank, I have no idea why or what. We look, they are leading a junior lieutenant without a belt, without a cap, worn out. The division commander, the head of the political department, the chairman of the tribunal, and the prosecutor are coming. He reads out the decision: to shoot for cowardice. They shot us before our eyes. In the swamp, in this slush, they dug something like a grave, and he fell into the back of his head.
The feeling was terrible, we looked at each other and understood everything. This was already when Stalin’s order came out about deserters and cowards. And, apparently, taking advantage of the situation, we were shown this order in action. That junior lieutenant commanded a platoon, the Germans went on the offensive. He ran away. And the platoon repelled this attack, he was caught in the rear, where he was hanging out. They were shot for cowardice.
Then I thought it was cruel, now I think it was necessary. What kind of commander are you when you abandon your platoon?
The trouble is that many people think: we have a lot of land, we can retreat. While they thought so, the Germans began to approach Stalingrad itself. Either we will understand the need for strict adherence to the execution of the order, or we will ruin our country and state. This is how the question was posed seriously. Remember “They Fought for the Motherland” by Sholokhov? Here and there, we'll go to the women and so on. To ensure the strictest discipline, penal battalions and penal companies were created. Some say: the penalty box won. They didn’t win anything, they didn’t shoot at anyone. But everyone who thought about retreating knew that they could get there. Penal companies operated in the army. Penalties in the most critical area were either defending or attacking. Criminals were called there from prisons. Those who achieved the fulfillment of the first order were all cleared of their criminal record, and life could start from scratch.
Depth lenses
I never dreamed of war. Usually in a dream you see something that was recently talked about, something that happened so recently.
I’ve been in the army since I was 17, but I never learned to swear. I think swearing is good on the collective farm
Only my mother sometimes comes to me in my dreams; with a mother, a person has the strongest umbilical cord. I never saw the front in my dreams. In reality, speaking to you now, I remember many moments.
I remember how the junior lieutenant was shot. How a shell hit a soldier directly. There was a soldier standing there, and he is gone. The chest, and steam comes from there. No arms, no legs. Just the chest. And steam... Head aside. They went and collected all the remains and buried them there.
Well, Yulia Drunina said: “Whoever says that war is not scary knows nothing about war.” When a gun is pointed at you, it seems scary, but it doesn’t seem scary. It seems that whatever happens will happen. When you go on the attack, when the firing points are not suppressed and you feel - come what may. It’s scary when you think that you have to rise to your full height and lead them into the attack. Very scary. But as soon as he jumped up, there was nothing left to do.
It was easier for us young boys, but 50-year-old soldiers were raised with obscenities.
I couldn't swear. Believe me, I’ve been in the army since I was 17, but I never learned to swear, I think that swearing is good on a collective farm when the bulls don’t listen. But you can’t do it with people.
I was a kid compared to those soldiers who came across Lake Ladoga from besieged Leningrad, their faces swollen from hunger. An interesting detail: these elderly soldiers never left their duffel bags. I once tried to see what was in this bag. Some kind of boot tops, soles, some kind of rag. Why do you need it? And he says: what if I get wounded. And I’ll go home, and this will all come in handy. Even in that hell the man was thinking about home.
Here the writer Viktor Astafiev wrote very blackly about the war, I would say hysterically. You know, Astafiev did not attack at full height. He was just a signalman.
Viktor Petrovich was a most talented person. He could describe how some kind of spikelet grows from a grain, what kind of grass grows through. Strong literary talent. But at the same time, where anything concerns the main thing, everything is bad for him: a bad commander, bad leaders, bad ideology. It's all about human perception of the world, everyone has their own. The reasons are in our internal lenses of deep...
Khrushchev
Khrushchev... I still have his report at the 20th Party Congress. Khrushchev's offended starling is the soloist there.
Stalin led the army poorly, Stalin developed operations according to the globe. How can you believe this? But no historian will believe it; millions did. Khrushchev had a deep personal grudge against Stalin because of his eldest son Leonid, who died at the front.
Where did he die, how did he die? Nobody told us about this. But some comrades officially wrote that he died in a partisan detachment and shot him because he flew over to the Germans. No matter how much they looked for where the plane piloted by Leonid Khrushchev could have fallen, they found nothing anywhere. But where did this plane go? They couldn’t help but know where he flew and for what purpose. They didn’t find anything where he fell, and to this day no one knows anything.
Khrushchev turned to Stalin: save your son. And he asks him: “Are you addressing me as a father or as a member of the Politburo?”
Like a father, Comrade Stalin.
What will I tell other fathers?
This information is reliable; as Minister of Defense, I read interesting documents.
Yeltsin
Why did Yeltsin, secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional party committee, suddenly become a leader? His main driving force was resentment. Gorbachev needed to understand this. The secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee, the head of the largest party organization, is a candidate of the Politburo, and Alexander Yakovlev is a member of the Politburo. He was offended, it was noticeable. I sat next to him at all receptions.
Here he is, when Gorbachev started talking about how we are doing this and that - he said: you are not doing anything! He spoke poorly about everything that was being done. The whole fuss started from this.
It all starts with personal grievances, with some internal ambitions. Each of us has a birdhouse in our souls, and as the starlings sing, so it comes out.
Special communication with a suitcase
You say my chair is wooden, uncomfortable, with a low back. Normal stool. I am a Siberian, I am used to being content with little. As a child, my most formal shirt was made from a waffle towel.
As Mayakovsky said: my wife likes me, and she’s extremely pleased with me. What does this give, wealth?
People who, for no apparent reason, became rich at the expense of the appropriated property of others, state property, state land - they are empty inside. Here he walks - the navel of the earth. Who is he? Tomorrow the government will change, as in “Wedding in Malinovka”, these appropriators will exchange the Budenovka for something else. How can a person earn a billion? For me it's space.
He must take credit for something. Or other people's wealth, or other people's labor. You say communism is not authoritative. Has anything changed? Just as capitalists appropriated other people’s labor, so they appropriate. What did Marx call it? Surplus value.
When I was the Minister of Defense of the USSR, I didn’t want to have security, I didn’t need a ZIL car either. But I can’t live without it, only the ZIL was equipped with special communications, I’ll go pick mushrooms, and a special communications officer with a suitcase is following me. From a human perspective, it was painful for me, but the position obliged me.
I have 11 of our orders hanging on my jacket, about 20 medals, and a dozen foreign orders. It’s physically difficult to wear them, I don’t go anywhere with orders, only at parades, when I went, I wore orders. And I never even take my jacket out of the closet. I just put on the marshal’s star, that’s all.
What is the pension of the Marshal of the Soviet Union? - 60 thousand. My wife and I live together, we have enough
Hand giving time
Do I have people to whom I won’t shake hands? Eat. Those who changed the country. I didn’t give it to Pasha Grachev. He had a lot to do with cynicism. Today is a bit of an awkward time.
Understand, the State Emergency Committee did not bring in troops for some kind of victory over some people, but they were brought in simply to protect the university, the water utility, and Gokhran. The situation in the country was dire - the army had nothing to pay. Everyone on the state budget had to raise their paws. This is what it was all about. And we went to Gorbachev so that he would introduce a state of emergency in order to bring everything back to normal. But he didn’t accept us, he thought that America would give us money. He played giveaway games with America, giveaway games. They need to ensure that we don't have missiles. What are Americans afraid of? That we will launch missiles at them. All. And they are not afraid of anything anymore.
Do you know why the State Emergency Committee lost? I’ll be honest, because I had to work with the people. But they thought that the tanks had been brought in and that was all.
My conscience is clear, I did not balk in front of my people, although I had, so to speak, the opportunity. We had the strength. I was offered to occupy all airfields with airborne troops. It didn’t cost anything to give the command, that’s all. But what would this lead to? Only for blood. In the name of what? Because I feel sorry for my own skin?
I never valued her. You have to be above your ambitions. It's not easy sometimes, but it's possible. Believe me.
How did I feel after the arrest? Yesterday I was holding a nuclear suitcase from the largest country in the world, and today I’m holding a prison cell. Do not want to talk. Everything has already been experienced. I'm sick. Most of all I worried about my old mother; she was 88 years old at the time. The rest of my loved ones were all younger, and therefore stronger.
About pensions and rags
What is the pension of the Marshal of the Soviet Union?
Approximately 60 thousand. The two of us live with my wife, that’s enough.
I once had a luxurious apartment, I lived near Gorbachev, he was on the 4th floor, I was on the 3rd. The apartment is large, beautiful, one dining room of 80 sq. m. meters, 5 rooms. In 1991, as soon as I was imprisoned, they came to my wife and asked to vacate the apartment, and Gorbachev divided his apartment into two parts - he arranged apartments for his daughter and granddaughters.
When I was in prison, Luzhkov gave my wife a 3-room apartment, and that’s where we live. Everyone is happy.
My life is approaching 90 years, but I still don’t understand why a person needs all these rags and precious stones. We become slaves to all this.
"The moment will come, we will rush away without a trace"
Where does my love for poetry come from? I have always strived for knowledge and education. Apparently, because I didn’t get all this as a child. He was engrossed in Pushkin, Lermontov, and Mayakovsky.
We once celebrated a person’s birthday, at which Vasya Lanovoi read Pushkin, he read it brilliantly. Then he says, oh, I can’t go on, I forgot. And I continued to read indiscriminately, from Rousseau to Manzoni.
Even today I can recite Lermontov’s “Masquerade”.
I love the poem “Who Lives Well in Rus'” - it’s just folk music “Oh, shadows, black shadows, whoever you catch up with, whoever you overtake, but only black shadows cannot be caught and embraced.” This is the soul of our people.
Happiness? This is a moment, a moment. There is no rose without thorns, what the heart longed for... the hour will come, we will rush away without a trace.
I never learned to believe in God either. My mother was a believer and prayed to God all the time. The first husband died - then her sister dies. There are four of us, and there are four of us. She became everyone's mother and carried everything on herself. Misfortunes rained down on her all the time, and she prayed all the time, then she stopped praying and told me that there was no God.
Friend?
I haven't dreamed of anything for a long time. Like everyone else, I want health so as not to be a burden to anyone. I will turn 90 that year. This one, not this one, as journalists wrote. Apparently, they wanted to say it loudly, otherwise the old man might not live long enough.
Tears?
I cry only from joy. I can see something beautiful and cry. And I’m not ashamed of it. After all, crying from joy is much better than crying from weakness.